With the authorization of the minister, of the (Supreme Federal Court), he revealed new documents and actions of the coup plot that unfolded at the end of the administration of (), in 2022.
There are, however, gaps to be clarified.
This week’s phase focused in particular on four military personnel and a PF agent who were arrested in the context of suspicion of being part of a plan that had as its starting point the decree by the then president of a state of exception and, from there, arrest, kidnapping or assassination of Moraes and the elected presidential ticket — () and his vice, ().
See in summary, by topic and character, what was presented as the main evidence and what gaps there are in each of these cases.
Meeting at the house
Clues: the PF lists a series of activities and messages of suspected coup content that began with the meeting on November 12, 2022 at the general’s house (who was vice-president on Bolsonaro’s ticket). In addition to Braga Netto, at least Bolsonaro’s main aide-de-camp, Major Rafael Martins de Oliveira (Army) and Lieutenant-Colonel Hélio Ferreira Lima (Army), were at the meeting.
Gaps: Despite the temporal correlation between the meeting and the beginning of several suspicious acts and messages, there is no element in the report that indicates what was actually discussed in that meeting.
Plan budget
Clues: two days after the meeting, on November 14, Mauro Cid and Major Rafael exchanged messages about a budget of R$ 100 thousand, which would include expenses with hotel, food and material, implying that this would be the amount needed to carry out coup actions in the field.
File sent by Rafael to Cid with the supposed details of these expenses is titled “Copa 2022”, the same as the message group created on the Signal application to operationalize the arrest or death of Moraes.
Gaps: the PF indicates in the report that it was unable to access the document, which was protected by a password.
Preparations for field action
Clues: the investigation points to December 6 as a crucial date. Cell phone antenna tracking indicates that, on that day, Cid, Major Rafael and Bolsonaro were in the Palácio do Planalto region on the same occasion that Mário Fernandes —Reserve Brigade General, who was deputy head of the General Secretariat of the Presidency— printed for the first time, at Palácio do Planalto, which would be .
Gaps: There is no direct confirmation whether this meeting actually took place and what was discussed.
The plan to kill Moraes, Lula and Alckmin
Clues: found on a hard drive belonging to Mário Fernandes, the document presents. Prepared in topic format, the plan describes the stages of the operation, the weapons that would be used and the risks involved.
This plan would have been printed in Planalto by Mário Fernandes on November 9th and December 6th and, at least in the case of Moraes, is related to some activities that were carried out by the coup plot from December 7th to 15th.
Gaps: It is not known to whom this document was presented and, in the cases of Lula and Alckmin, there is no other evidence that there was actually preparation for the execution of the measure. There is also a fourth target that would also be targeted for elimination, which the PF was unable to identify.
The day of action
Clues: the PF gathered a series of evidence pointing to the mobilization of military personnel on December 15th to allegedly arrest, kidnap or murder Moraes. Among them, the exchange of messages from the “Copa 2022” group, created on the Signal messaging application based on codenames and cell phones acquired in order to make tracking more difficult.
Gaps: the messages and other investigative elements have not yet managed to clearly identify everyone who participated in the field action, in addition to the doubt as to why and by whose order the plan of December 15th was put into practice and, in the end, .
Below, what weighs against each of those mentioned in the operation:
Mario Fernandes: Reserve Brigade General, was deputy head of the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Republic during the Bolsonaro government. He is suspected of actively participating in anti-democratic demonstrations and there are photos of him in the coup camps in front of the Army headquarters, in addition to having created and printed a plan that aimed to arrest, kidnap or murder Moraes, Lula and Alckmin.
A document of a crisis cabinet to be set up after the intended coup was also found with him. Although the PF was able to confirm the printing of these two coup documents, it is not known what purpose they were given and to whom they were presented.
Hélio Ferreira Lima: Lieutenant Colonel of the Army, participated in the meeting at Braga Netto’s house, was at addresses close to Moraes’ residence, accompanied by Major Rafael, in addition to having a spreadsheet with clear coup content found with him, which included neutralization of the STF and holding new elections. Other than that, no other evident elements of his participation in the plot are mentioned.
Rafael Martins de Oliveira: Army major, known as “Joe”, with training in special forces (“black kids”), was at the meeting with Braga Netto and is identified as one of the main participants in the coup actions, including the discussion about the operation’s budget and the field leadership of the movement on December 15, 2022 around addresses in Moraes.
Rodrigo Bezerra Azevedo: Army major, also a “black kid”, is suspected of having been associated with the coup actions. One of the codenames of the “Copa 2022” group, Brazil, had a phone number that was later linked to it. However, the PF did not indicate certainty about its participation in the action on December 15th.
Wladimir Matos Soares: Federal Police agent appears in messages indicating support for the coup plan and providing information about the security of then-elected candidate Lula to people linked to Bolsonaro. The PF says that the objective would be to collaborate with the plan to assassinate the PT member and Alckmin.
However, there is no other indication in the report that indicates the direct participation or knowledge, on the part of the PF agent, of the plan to assassinate authorities.
