For years, Bolsonarism has exhibited outrages that test the limits of right-wing political elites. It could be a , a dark manifestation of appreciation for the dictatorship, sabotage of vaccination, a crusade for institutional destruction or a loss of millionaire jewelry.
With the exception of a handful of defections, the right’s loyalty and enthusiasm for proved more than firm. They even survived a defeat at the polls attributed to their radicalism. Out of genuine devotion to these principles or pure pragmatism, the main political leaders in this camp stood by a former president who never hid who he was.
One, an assassination plot and an indictment for an attempted coup establish a definitive dividing line. On one side, the right is delimited, which can be more or less conservative, but follows civilizational and democratic rules. On the other, there is Bolsonarism.
Jair Bolsonaro’s survival will be his group’s only banner from now on. It will be anchored in an increasingly harsh war with the STF and the insistence on the former president’s candidacy, even if he is prevented from running. What remains of the right, in turn, should mind its own business as an independent political force.
Bolsonaro’s group tries to confuse the two things, with the aim of convincing politicians who run on the right, from extremists to traditionalists, that the former president is an essential leader. When the PF revealed the plan to kill Lula and Alexandre de Moraes, the councilor asked where “that Pablo Marçal” was at that delicate moment when the right should be united.
The former president’s son took aim at Marçal to hit people like , who appears dependent on the captain, but flirts with the idea of a solo flight. The governor of , who tries to parade with a traditional right-wing outfit, defended his godfather and adhered to deliberate blindness in the face of the evidence against the former president. With the border drawn, he chose his side.
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