Apparently the case of Alberto González Amador was a matter closely tied up by the Treasury and a political problem for the president of Madrid. After a year and a half of investigation, the Tax Agency concluded that Isabel Díaz Ayuso’s partner had defrauded 350,000 euros for the 2020 and 2021 corporate tax years. However, eight months after revealed the news, the focus is on other people whose legal and political future is in question, among them, the State Attorney General, Álvaro García Ortiz, and the leader of the Madrid socialists, Juan Lobato. This is the chronology of what happened from May 12, 2022, when the Treasury investigations began, until this Tuesday. To prepare it, the Treasury investigation, the Civil Guard reports and the information revealed by different media:
May 12, 2022. A Treasury inspector begins her actions against Alberto González Amador.
January 10, 2024: The Treasury Crimes Team in Madrid concludes that there are indications of the commission of two crimes of tax fraud.
The fraud amounts to 350,951 euros. Thousands of taxpayers end up with tax problems every year. For an alleged fraud to end up in the Prosecutor’s Office, it requires that 120,000 euros or more have been defrauded and that the Treasury inspectors appreciate voluntariness and deliberation, as in this case, where Amador presented 15 false invoices from eight collaborating companies.
January 17: The Treasury sends the file to the Provincial Prosecutor’s Office in Madrid to consider whether it is appropriate to pursue criminal action.
January 23: The Provincial Prosecutor’s Office of Madrid opens an investigation.
February 2 (12:45): Carlos Neira, Amador’s lawyer, sends an email to the Madrid Prosecutor’s Office in which he introduces himself and proposes an agreement in which he fully recognizes the facts: “Two crimes have certainly been committed against the Public Treasury.” However, this pact cannot be agreed upon at this stage, since it can only occur in court.
February 7: The prosecutor specializing in economic crimes Julián Salto concludes the investigation and decides to denounce Amador and his alleged collaborators for “crimes of tax fraud and document falsification.”
February 12 (11.34): Prosecutor Salto answers the email from Ayuso’s partner’s lawyer. He tells him that he takes note “of his client’s willingness to recognize the facts.”
February 13: Salto denounces Ayuso’s partner.
February 20: The Madrid Prosecutor’s Office forwards the complaint to the Dean of Investigation Court of Madrid.
March 5: The Dean of Investigation Court of Madrid registers the complaint.
March 7 and 8: The Provincial Prosecutor of Madrid, Pilar Rodríguez, sends the documentation of the Amador case by mail on both days to Diego Villafañe, the right hand of the State Attorney General, Álvaro García.
March 12 (06.01): publishes the news, which within a few minutes dominates the news agenda.
March 12 (08:50 and 09:23): Prosecutor Salto writes by email to the lawyer of Ayuso’s partner to inform him of the complaint. (Send two emails because in the first one, at 8:50, he did not attach the complaint).
March 12 morning: In Castelldefels, Barcelona, the Madrid president charges against Moncloa, for what she presents as persecution against her family: “my mother, my cousins, my neighborhood, my academic record,” she said, “now it was the boyfriend’s turn.”
March 12 (1:25 p.m.): Ayuso publishes a tweet against prosecutor Rodríguez
The Madrid Provincial Prosecutor’s Office is chaired by a woman who was General Director in the Ministry of Justice under Zapatero.
— Isabel Díaz Ayuso (@IdiazAyuso)
March 13 (1:00 p.m.): Ayuso defends her partner in a press conference. “They seek to destabilize me through my personal destruction.” “Pedro Sánchez is sitting in political and economic corruption and this is not going to cover it up.” The president of the Community of Madrid presents herself as a victim of a political destabilization operation engineered by the PSOE.
Afternoon of March 13. MÁR enters the scene. Miguel Ángel Rodríguez, known as MÁR, President Ayuso’s chief of staff, leaked to , and then to other media, the email from prosecutor Salto to the popular leader’s lawyer, on March 12. MÁR omits the previous email, dated February 2, in which Amador’s lawyer offered the pact. This omission manages to create confusion about who is proposing the pact. As will be seen below, MÁR intended to accuse the Prosecutor’s Office of offering an agreement, and then withdrawing it due to an alleged order from the Government of Pedro Sánchez.
March 13 (21.29): The World publishes the news: “The prosecution offers Ayuso’s partner an agreement to admit two tax crimes.”
March 13 (between 9:34 p.m. and 9:59 p.m.): The Attorney General, Álvaro García, calls the Provincial Prosecutor of Madrid, Pilar Rodríguez. He asks him to get all the emails between Neira, Amador’s lawyer, and Salto, the prosecutor who handled the case. In particular, he is interested in that email from February 2 that would debunk the MÁR hoax (those emails did not appear in the documentation sent on March 7 and 8). Prosecutor Rodríguez calls prosecutor Salto, who was at the Metropolitano watching a Champions League match between Atlético de Madrid and Inter Milan and had to leave the venue to collect the emails. Prosecutor Rodríguez sends the Attorney General the email of February 2 in which Neira proposed the pact to Salto.
March 13 (10:41 p.m.): MÁR publishes a tweet to guide the narrative towards the hoax.
Summary of today’s madness: the prosecution offers an agreement by email to Mr. Gonzalez; Before he can respond, the same Prosecutor’s Office says that it has received orders “from above” so that there is no agreement and, then, they go to trial.
— ALREADY (@marodriguezb)
March 13 (23.20): the denies the information The World. He explains that the prosecutor’s office had not offered any agreement, but rather it was Ayuso’s boyfriend who sought an agreement with the prosecutor’s office admitting the two tax crimes. The news first appears on the air at 11:20 p.m. and is published online at 11:51 p.m.: “Ayuso’s boyfriend offered the prosecution a pact pleading guilty to two crimes to avoid trial.” The SER has access to the email, but does not reproduce it.
March 14 (00.10): publishes another article in which they claim to have had access to the February 2 email and they do not reproduce it either.
March 14 (1.25). informs that he has had access to the email of February 2, without reproducing it.
March 14. (7.14) EL PAÍS, after accessing the email, and does not reproduce it either.
March 14 (Minutes after 08.00): Pilar Sánchez Acera, the right hand of Moncloa’s then chief of staff, writes via WhatsApp to Juan Lobato, the general secretary of the Madrid socialists. He tells him that he has the email from February 2nd. He asks him to show it that morning in the plenary session of the Madrid Assembly.
March 14 (9.06): It is the first medium that reproduces the February 2 email in its entirety.
March 14. (10.00). Ayuso appears in the Madrid Assembly. Lobato shows the email and asks for the resignation of the Madrid president. his intervention.
March 14 (10.25). The Prosecutor’s Office publishes an “information note” that refutes the information of The World and the Community of Madrid.
March 20. The Madrid Bar Association for “revelation of secrets” against the State Attorney General.
April 3. Ayuso’s number two meets with the Madrid president’s boyfriend a few hours after González’s defense also presented its complaint against the Prosecutor’s Office. The opposition to Ayuso criticized this meeting as part of the efforts of the Community of Madrid to defend an alleged tax fraudster.
April 5. Ayuso’s communications team distributes to the press an alleged hacking in the email from Ayuso’s boyfriend’s lawyer. This email was previously modified by MÁR, as verified by this newspaper when consulting the properties of the document.
April 17. Ayuso and his team surprise by saying that the Treasury will return 552,000 euros to González Amador. The message did not clarify the reason for the refund nor was it accompanied by documentary evidence. The president presented it as evidence of the “hunt.”
that this return corresponded to the amount that his partner irregularly disbursed to close the investigation, a payment that was rejected by the Treasury.
June 24. Ayuso’s boyfriend goes to court with a wig – to avoid the press – with the idea of finally reaching his agreement with the prosecution, but the pact is aborted because popular accusations convince the judge to consider expanding the investigation. to other crimes.
October 16. The Supreme Court to a state attorney general.
October 30. The Supreme Court orders the search of the office of the State Attorney General and the Provincial Prosecutor of Madrid, to seize their electronic devices, including their mobile phones.
Early November. The secretary of the Madrid socialists, Juan Lobato, goes to a notary to, supposedly, prove that the email he showed in the Assembly on March 14 came from a socialist advisor who works in La Moncloa and to emphasize, according to his words to EL PAÍS , that she told him that she obtained it “through the media” and not from the Prosecutor’s Office.
November 25. The diary publishes that Moncloa allegedly leaked the complaint about Ayuso’s boyfriend to Lobato. Hours later, the Supreme Court summons him as a witness for Friday the 29th in the case being investigated by the State Attorney General.
November 26. without questions from the Madrid Assembly. He says that he feels like a victim of “a lynching” and insinuates that La Moncloa lied to him when notifying him of that email that denied the information about The World. And he puts his future in the hands of the PSOE rank and file, who will decide the leadership of the party in Madrid in 2025.
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