The treatment given to the then Army commander in the last year of (PL) management, General Marco Antônio Freire Gomes, changed.
In November 2023, when it made the first representation about the case to the (Supreme Federal Court), the PF cited evidence that Freire Gomes had resisted pressure to join a coup d’état, but said that it was necessary to investigate a possible omission due to he was aware of the illegal plot and, despite holding the important position of Army commander, he did nothing.
The PF, in that first report, still gave important weight to . The document was seen at the time as a message to the Judiciary and an endorsement for the maintenance of camps in front of the Army headquarters.
In , there is no mention of the suspected omission in the face of the coup plot, the 2022 note is treated sideways, and the general’s resistance is described as the main reason why Bolsonaro did not carry out the coup attempt.
At the end of the investigation, under the argument that the former president “effectively planned, directed and executed” the coup plot and that he only failed to achieve his intention due to circumstances beyond his control — “in this case, the resistance of the Army commander Freire Gomes and the majority of the High Command [do Exército]who remained faithful to the defense of the democratic rule of law, not providing armed support for the President of the Republic to complete the coup d’état”.
The refusal of Brigadier Carlos de Almeida Baptista Junior (then commander of the Air Force) to agree to the coup is also highlighted, but the role of Freire Gomes has greater weight due to the fact that the Army is the Force with the greatest power.
In the report from November last year, the PF writes that progress in the investigation was necessary to determine the possible omission of the pair.
“In relation to General Freire Gomes and Brigadier Baptista Júnior, the elements collected so far indicate that they would have resisted the coup group’s attacks”, says the PF, adding below:
“However, considering the position of guarantor agents, it is necessary to advance the investigation to determine possible commissive conduct by omission due to the fact that they were aware of the acts that were being carried out to subvert the democratic regime and even so, as commanders of the Army and Air Force remained inert.”
The final report does not mention whether this investigation took place and what the conclusion would have been. THE Sheet He contacted the PF through its advisors, but there was no response.
The note signed by the Force commanders on November 11, 2022 was treated in the initial report as an important endorsement given by the military to the Bolsonarist camps in front of the barracks, which culminated on December 12, 2022, and 2023.
The commanders’ demonstration took place for almost a week, according to reports made to Sheetand its articulation began after military leaders participated in meetings with Bolsonaro at Palácio da Alvorada after ()’s victory in the second round of elections.
These conversations cited roadblocks, criticism of the Judiciary and defenses of the supposed legitimacy of the demonstrations.
In the view of the military leaders, the protesters did not feel safe protesting in front of the STF nor did they see the effectiveness of demanding responses from Congress in the face of what they considered to be abuses from corrupt ministers. The target was also the (Superior Electoral Court).
The PF highlighted, even in the initial report, that the head of Bolsonaro’s order support, Mauro Cid, sent a congratulatory audio to Freire Gomes on the same day the commanders’ note was released. It said that the note was read by the campers as a sign that they would have protection against possible legal decisions.
Investigators concluded at the time that the public demonstration by Freire Gomes, Baptista Júnior and Almir Garnier —the latter allegedly a supporter of the coup— was a reaction to the possible demobilization of the Bolsonarist camps after the Ministry of Defense’s audit showed no evidence of fraud. in the electoral system.
In last week’s final report, the full note no longer appears and is only described briefly, as context for the exchange of messages from those under investigation.
Another difference between the first and last PF report is about , in which Bolsonaro and several ministers made demonstrations with a clear coup nature three months before the election.
In the November 2022 text, the PF lists by name the presence of Freire Gomes and Baptista Júnior at this meeting. In the final report, names are suppressed, and there is only a summarized list of participants.
Freire Gomes had a dubious relationship with Bolsonaro at the end of 2022. He followed alongside the former president, at Palácio da Alvorada, the counting of the second round of elections.
After the result, he went to Alvorada at least 13 times — some accompanied by other military leaders, others with subordinate generals or even alone. Ten meetings took place before December 7, when Bolsonaro presented a draft decree for a coup d’état.
In a statement to the PF, Baptista Júnior says that the head of the Army threatened to arrest Bolsonaro if he continued the coup. Freire Gomes himself does not mention the reaction and restricts himself to saying that he was against it.
The commander, however, continued to visit Alvorada even after that: on December 15 and another on Christmas Eve, when he gave Bolsonaro a gift and an invitation for his change of command.
Freire Gomes justified to military personnel that the objective of this stance was to avoid ruptures and, thus, guarantee that he would not be fired before the end of the government.
