The two thousand pages proved exhaustively that a handful of palace officials staged a coup d’état in 2022 to cancel the results of the election won by .
It will be up to the Court to establish responsibility for the December 2022 plot and the .
Another issue will be establishing the responsibility of these scammers on January 8, 2023.
The reports do not cover the events of that day. They just show how the coup group tried to throw January 8th into the lap of Lula and the then Minister of Justice. It’s not much.
At that point, Lula was already in government. All 2022 frames were on conditional. Bolsonaro did not establish a state of defense, Alexandre de Moraes’ campaign was aborted and the “” remained in the barracks.
On January 4, exchanging messages with a colonel who asked him if “there’s still something to happen”, the lieutenant colonel replied twice, but deleted the texts. The colonel asked again: “Good or horrible?” Then Cid replied: “It depends on who. It’s good for Brazil.”
On January 8, the Planalto Palace, the Supreme Court and Congress were invaded and vandalized. Things happened and didn’t go ahead because Lula, in an instinctive move, saved the regime.
If he had signed it, he would give powers to the military and only Asmodeus knows what would happen. The idea of the GLO circulated among Lula’s ministers. Furthermore, it was announced (at 5:10 pm) by the reserve general, elected senator and former vice-president of Jair Bolsonaro.
January 8 would be the “trigger event” that retired general Mario Fernandes spoke of in November. Late, nothing went off.
Lieutenant Colonel Mauro Cid, Bolsonaro’s aide-de-camp, accompanied the former president in the United States and there received photos of what was happening in Brasília that Sunday. From there, he wrote: “If the Brazilian Army leaves the barracks… it will join.”
Federal Police reports show that retired general Mario Fernandes, executive secretary of the General Secretariat of the Presidency during Bolsonaro’s government, had attended the camp set up in front of the Brasília HQ. He dealt with the truck driver Lucão and looked after the interests of the campers who went to Praça dos Três Poderes, called to the “Festa da Selma”.
A vignette
In the 70s there were no Special Forces. Paratroopers were seen as elite troops. One day, Heitor Ferreira, the president’s secretary, saw that the president, head of the Civil House, had received a troublemaking paratrooper colonel.
Hector, Golbery’s old protégé, decided to demand the strange kindness.
Golbery explained to him that, in his role, he received people to inflate their egos, to which Hector asked him what the colonel wanted.
— He said that a command was organized to go to Uruguay and kidnap the . (Brizola had lived in exile in Uruguay since 1964.)
—And what did you say?
— I said so, Hector.
Faced with his friend’s perplexity, Golbery explained:
— If I told him not to go, he would go to the volleyball net and for the rest of his life he would say that he had organized a command to kidnap Brizola and I didn’t let him. Released, he will never bring up the subject again.
And so it was.
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