O is the big winner in the municipal elections, having elected the largest number of mayors and councilors. More important is that this number is the best predictor of the elections for the Chamber in 2026, where the party already holds the fourth largest group. In the Senate, the PSD has the largest bench. Is the PSD the new one?
The old Getulista PSD and the new PSD have little in common; but what they have in common deserves to be highlighted, which is the weight of the government of the day in its creation.
In Minas Gerais, the state in which it became the party’s mainstay, the process is crystal clear and vertical: the PSD was created by order of the governor. “The process adopted to organize the electorate into factions was the classic expedient of founding the ‘Government Party’, in which senior officials occupied prominent positions.” Orlando de Carvalho (1946) continues: the governor sent a message to the mayors “ordering them to invite between 5 and 10 people of political influence in the municipality to, in their company, come to Belo Horizonte and take part in a “.
PSD’s was less vertical and more autonomous. courted Kassab and Kassab stated: “We are available to help you. We want your government to work. It is important for Brazil.” Kassab had fought fiercely for mayor and the Senate against .
But Dilma sought to reduce her dependence on the PMDB and, therefore, encouraged the creation not only of the PSD but also, later, the —in 2006, Prona and Prona had been merged into PR, and the acronym PL currently arose from the change of name of the PRB in 2019. Kassab is then appointed Dilma’s minister, after all his party was “neither right-wing nor left-wing nor center-wing”.
The creation of “a false party”, according to , had a purpose. “It was against us, against the PMDB.” “It had the structure and didn’t need to implode it. The reading that was made when that Tabajara operation, by Kassab, was that it couldn’t work. .” The was a product, among other things, of this movement. But the party worked.
More importantly, “Kassab was helped by everyone to do it.” The main ally was , which allowed a new party to have proportionally to the number of its deputies even though they had been elected by other parties. The anomalous innovation, which had a critical vote in favor of Dias Toffoli, was the understanding that the fund did not belong to the parties, but to their members.
Executive and TSE aligned themselves, therefore, to make the new “government party” viable.
Unlike the old PSD, the new one is part of a framework of intense party fragmentation. Congressionally strong parties that are critical to governability typically do not have presidential candidates. The PMDB is paradigmatic. The PSD now, however, has viable candidates that it can attract to the party.
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