The official announcement is scheduled for next April, but in practice it has already started. The master of the work, also an architect and decorator —president Luiz Inácio da Silva ()—, triggered the process by communicating to the team the need for changes.
Without using the word dismissal, he dismissed (PT) from the communications command after making severe criticisms of the sector’s performance.
Without his presence in the official photo, marketer Sidônio Palmeira was invited to the table at the end-of-year get-together at Palácio da Alvorada, where he circulated as Pimenta’s replacement, still uncertain as to whether he had been invited and whether he would accept the mission.
Without denying the rumors about his departure from the Defense portfolio, José Múcio Monteiro signaled mission accomplished and tiredness of internal clashes with the left. The feet behind are reciprocal. They will continue to be so, although the replacement, eventually by the vice-president, (PSB), may give temporary respite to the mood.
Without specifying names or positions, the president of the Chamber, (), resorted to the old trick of sending messages through conversations attributed to “allies” to mark his position, still in power, in the last days of his term.
The deputy pointed out an imbalance in the political forces represented in the first echelon and advised changes of command in the ministries. There are those who have interpreted these statements to “allies” as a personal offer to leave the Legislative branch and head to the Executive.
In fact, both Lira and the president of , (), have been cited as likely future ministers, given that they leave the presidencies of Parliament with coffee still hot. They are different profiles, however.
Pacheco, conciliator and member of the party led by , an ace in the art of sailing in two canoes, would have as his objective the government of Minas Gerais, for which the visibility and power of a ministry would serve him well.
Lira, on the other hand, is one for confrontation. He does the tractor style, he belongs to the party chaired by Ciro Nogueira, defender of Jair Bolsonaro and for whom there is no chance of there being any other plan for the right in 2026 other than his own candidacy for president of the Republic with reinforcements in the Congress benches.
This does not mean that an expansion of spaces on the Esplanada would be rejected, on the contrary, but to serve the interests of the PP and company, never to establish an electoral alliance with the PT. Furthermore, Arthur Lira — running for the Senate — has said that he prefers to operate within Congress which, according to him, needs to impose itself in an even more forceful way.
How, then, would you reconcile this worldview with the interests of the government? Difficult. Unless he changed his plans completely. Even so, he would always be on Lula’s team under the suspicion (and shooting from the PT) that he would play against. One crucial question remains: the degree of trust between Lula and Lira.
According to what circulates in Brasília about the ministerial reform, it would have three main criteria: improvement in government communication; usefulness in attracting votes in Congress to the government’s agenda and in blocking agendas from the radical right; and commitment to support the PT —with Lula or without him— in 2026.
It is in the third item that things pick up. Under what terms would this agreement be signed? How reliable would such a hit go? Would a contract signed now have termination clauses subject to future circumstances? As can be seen, there would be uncertainty and there would be a lack of firmness in execution.
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