The Alagoan (), 55, ends his four years at the helm at the end of January with a trajectory that is difficult to parallel in recent history.
The leader of the so-called centrão consolidated this group of center-right and right-wing deputies as the main force in Congress.
Having as his greatest asset the control of the distribution of (which reached a record value of more than R$50 billion thanks to his commitment), he exercised broad power in both the management of () and ().
“If there is one good thing in this country, if there is one fair thing, it is the parliamentary amendments,” said Lira in 2019.
Added to the list of achievements is reaching the end of his second term, which is unprecedented at least in the last two decades.
Hugo said to Sheet that the ally’s management leaves as a legacy the strengthening of the Legislature. “With him, the Chamber was a protagonist in the country’s growth in recent years.”
In the internal environment of the House, he used the distribution of project reports to increase his power over his colleagues and scheduled quick votes depending on his convenience, with debates restricted to a few interlocutors and without following the normal procedure.
An example of this was the approval of the . The one that included the measures was approved in two rounds less than 20 days after being sent by the Executive — the normal procedure would take months.
Right at the beginning of his first term, Lira also modified the rules to “treat” minorities who, until then, had voting obstruction mechanisms as one of the only instruments to try to assert some of their positions.
Defender of agendas linked to the economy and agribusiness (), Lira highlights, a topic that has been under debate for decades, .
With a history of behind-the-scenes work and few speeches in plenary, Lira is branded as truculent and authoritarian by opponents and even allies — the latter speaking out under reserve.
“He was the figure who most took autonomy from deputies”, says Ivan Valente (PSOL-SP).
“He ultra-centralized decisions, took away predictability from the plenary, important matters were not processed in committees. The way he negotiates with the government is not republican, he always has a knife to his neck to obtain benefits.”
Chico Alencar (PSOL-RJ) follows the same line: “Lira had an imperial posture, with numerous subjects, and in the last two years it had a much more demanding posture from the Executive than in the Bolsonaro years.”
The son of a politician, Lira officially entered politics at the age of 23, in 1992, when he was elected councilor in Maceió. He was a state deputy before arriving in Brasília, in 2011.
His trajectory before occupying the number 1 position in the Chamber was marked by scandals, such as , and .
After becoming president, practically all cases relating to corruption were buried in the higher courts. On the charge of domestic violence, the (Federal Supreme Court) acquitted him in 2015.
In the Chamber, he was leader of the PP, president of the CCJ, a position he held thanks to the then president of the House, , of whom he was an ally, and the CMO (Mixed Budget Committee).
His biggest rise took place in 2020, after leading the migration from the center into the arms of Bolsonaro, who did not have a base in the House and was under threat of impeachment.
With this, the president won the management of the billionaire amendments among the deputies, capital that was essential
In 2022, he was one of the main organizers of the votes in the House that sought to give an electoral boost to Bolsonaro in his attempt to be re-elected.
Lira and Lula even exchanged accusations during the campaign mainly because of the high concentration of power in the hands of deputies. In one act, the .
Despite this, in 2022. “Arthur was a fundamental player for the country at that moment, guaranteeing stability for Lula’s inauguration”, says Dr. Luizinho (PP-RJ).
With the results of the elections, the deputy and in a matter of days already.
He was . Despite moments of tension with the government and , Lira says that she always helped the Executive and did not create difficulties.
In August 2023, another case of corruption was buried. The minister ordered the annulment of all evidence in relation to the investigation into those purchased with public funds in Alagoas.
Gilmar prevented the possible defeat of the deputy regarding the PF investigation, which had an operation that year based on reports published by the Sheet.
In the last two years, it has been criticized at times, the most significant being the quick vote on the application.
The episode generated a strong reaction in society with harsh complaints against Lira, to the point that he put the brakes on the discussion. He also leaves the chair to provide a solution to January 8th.
Lira says he is a defender of parliamentary prerogatives. This year, proposals were progressed and after .
In the last session in which he presided over the House, on Thursday (19), deputies (from PL to PT). He gave a short speech in which he mentioned the possibility of returning “to the factory floor” of the House.
Despite this, allies claim that he is aiming for a seat in 2026. He is also tipped to occupy a Lula ministry.
The trajectory of Lira, the leader of the center
First elected position
Son of a politician, he was elected councilor in Maceió, at the age of 23, in 1992. He was affiliated with the PFL, one of the parties that came from Arena, now União Brasil
New position and complaints
Elected state deputy for the PSDB in 1998. He would remain in the Legislative Assembly of Alagoas for three terms. Lira was convicted in two instances for embezzling funds from the Assembly (Operation Taturana), but the STJ annulled the convictions in 2023 on the grounds, among others, that Lira had not been duly cited to present a defense.
Report of assault on a woman
In 2006, his ex-wife, Jullyene Lins, accused him of having assaulted her that year. The deputy was acquitted by the STF in 2015
Arriving at the Chamber of Deputies
In 2010, he was elected federal deputy, already for the PP
CCJ command
After the victory of Eduardo Cunha (whom he was allied with) for the Presidency of the Chamber, in 2015 he assumed command of the main committee of the House, the CCJ (Constitution and Justice Commission)
Centrão and Bolsonaro
In 2020, Lira led the movement to bring the center closer to then-president Jair Bolsonaro and provided him with a congressional base for the remainder of his term.
Arrival at the Presidency of the Chamber
With the support of Bolsonaro and having control over the distribution of parliamentary amendments, he is elected president of the Chamber in 2021, defeating Baleia Rossi (MDB) by 302 to 145 votes
Post-election transition
Despite being part of the front line of Bolsonaro’s re-election campaign in 2022, he began conversations and signed an agreement with Lula during the transition period
Re-election in the Chamber and judicial victories
He is re-elected president of the Chamber in 2023 with the support of the PT and with the highest vote in history, 464 votes. That year, he obtained several victories in the higher courts of the Judiciary. In addition to Operation Taturana, it closed old legal disputes relating to Lava Jato and managed to annul evidence related to it in a Federal Police operation in the case of robotics kits
Record amendments and forwarded successor
Under his leadership, the amendments reach a record R$50 billion in 2024. He articulates the candidacy of his successor, Hugo Motta (Republicanos-PB), currently the favorite to command the Chamber from February
Disputes for command of the Chamber of Deputies since 2003
- 2003 – João Paulo Cunha (PT-SP) – Supported by the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), which had defeated eight years of PSDB management, with 434 votes
- 2005 – – taking advantage of a split in the PT, which launched two candidates, and the dissatisfaction of congressmen with the government, a deputy from the lower clergy manages to go to the second round and has one of the most surprising victories in parliament, with 300 votes
- 2005 – Aldo Rebelo (B-SP PC) – After Severino resigned from his position amid the “Chamber’s monthly” scandal, the government’s ally wins with a very tight margin: 258 against 243 for José Thomaz Nonô (PFL-AL), from the opposition
- 2007 – Arlindo Chinaglia (PT-SP) – With a divided Lulista base, PT returns to command of the Chamber, also in a tough election: 261 votes against 243 for Aldo, also in government
- 2009 – Michel Temer (MDB-SP) – as a result of the agreement that Chinaglia had elected two years earlier, the MDB leader wins easily: 304 votes against 129 for Ciro Nogueira (PP-PI) and 76 for Aldo Rebelo
- 2013 – Henrique Eduardo Alves (MDB-RN) – Following the MDB-PT rotation, the deputy from Rio Grande do Norte is elected in the first round with 271 votes
- 2017 – Rodrigo Maia (DEM-RJ) – Deputy defeats the centrão again and is re-elected: there were 293 votes against 105 for Jovair Arantes (PTB-GO)
- 2019 – Rodrigo Maia (DEM-RJ) – This time with the support of the center, he easily achieved his third term, already under the Bolsonaro government. He gets 334 votes
