Many historians also credit the Carter administration with having been at the forefront of events that led to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Carter and his hard-line national security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, used human rights to put Moscow on the ideological defensive, and their forceful support for Lech Walesa’s Solidarity movement in Poland helped to fuel a revolutionary wave in Eastern Europe that eventually sparked the fall of communism.
But Carter was often characterized as an ineffectual micromanager whose efforts to rally the American people during a time of economic recession and energy shortages landed with a thud. He was mocked for wearing sweaters in the White House to encourage Americans to turn down their thermostats in the winter to conserve energy, and his declaration in a nationally televised address in July 1979 that the United States was suffering a “crisis of confidence” was widely panned, given that it came after 2½ years into his leadership.
It came to be known as Carter’s “malaise” speech, even though he never used the word. Reagan would present himself as the sunny alternative to Carter’s scolding demeanor to win the 1980 election in a landslide.
In addition, Carter’s decision to boycott the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow in protest of the Russian invasion of Afghanistan was popular domestically, but it remains controversial among historians, with some characterizing it as a missed opportunity to open warmer relations with Moscow and others declaring that it led to a decade of intensified Soviet repression before the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.
The final year of Carter’s presidency was dogged by the Iran hostage crisis, which began Nov. 4, 1979, when Iranian students took more than 60 U.S. hostages at the U.S. Embassy in Tehran after Carter had allowed the deposed shah of Iran to receive medical treatment in the United States on humanitarian grounds.
In April 1980, Carter sent an elite rescue team into the embassy compound, but a desert sandstorm crippled several of the military helicopters. One of them crashed into a transport plane on takeoff, killing eight U.S. service members and leading Carter to abort the mission.
The debacle prompted Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, to order the hostages scattered among numerous locations to prevent another rescue attempt, and it gave him more ammunition with which to denounce the United States as “the Great Satan.”
An official investigation into the rescue attempt found major deficiencies in planning, command and control, and identified critical shortcomings in communication and coordination among the U.S. military branches, bolstering perceptions of Carter as a weak leader and leading to the passage of the Goldwater–Nichols Act, which ordered a top-to-bottom reorganization of the Department of Defense in 1986.
Fifty-two of the hostages would remain captive for 444 days, each day ticked off by Walter Cronkite at the end of the “CBS Evening News,” until they were released on Jan. 20, 1981 — the day Reagan was inaugurated as president.
From Naval officer on a nuclear submarine, to Georgia governor
James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in the tiny Sumter County town of Plains in southwest Georgia, where he grew up on a peanut farm. His intellect was recognized early, and he was appointed to the U.S. Naval Academy. He graduated in 1946 and the same year married Rosalynn Smith, a 19-year-old childhood friend who was a star student at Plains High School.
Carter became a submariner in the Navy, where he was spotted by Adm. Hyman Rickover, who is considered the father of the U.S. nuclear submarine program. Rickover selected Carter as an aide and assigned him to Schenectady, New York, where the family relocated while Carter studied reactor technology and nuclear physics at the Union Graduate College. Eventually, Carter would become a senior officer of the USS Seawolf, the United States’ second nuclear submarine.
Speaking about Rickover in a 1984 interview with CBS’s “60 Minutes,” Carter said, “There were a few times when I hated him, because he demanded more from me than I thought I could deliver.”
Carter appeared set for a stellar military career under Rickover’s tutelage, but in 1953, he left the Navy after the death of his father, returning to Georgia to run the family peanut business.
As the company grew, Carter became prominent in south Georgia politics, speaking out as a rare advocate of civil rights in church addresses and as chairman of the Sumter County School Board. He was elected as a Democrat to the state Senate in 1962 in a special election after he challenged his defeat in what an investigation revealed to have been a fraudulent vote.
Carter rose quickly, becoming a member of the Democratic Executive Committee and chairman of the Senate Education Committee in just his second two-year term.
After just four years in the Senate, Carter launched a campaign for governor, losing the Democratic primary but winning enough votes to force a runoff between the presumed front-runner and an outlandish segregationist chicken-restaurant owner, Lester Maddox. Maddox would win the runoff and the general election.
Carter tried again in 1970, this time compromising his civil rights record by declaring himself “basically a redneck” and complimenting the divisive Maddox — who was famous for having used an ax handle as a weapon to drive Black activists from his restaurant in 1964 — for being “steadfast” and “honorable” in his beliefs.
“Carter, believe it or not, ran a segregated race, one that he was connected with George Wallace of Alabama,” with The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, adding that Carter “hoodwinked enough people to make them believe” that he would work to undermine integration.
“I can win this election without a single Black vote,” in July 1970.
Carter was forced into a runoff in the Democratic primary, which he easily won. And then he changed strategy to one he would use for the rest of his career — reaching out to Black voters and campaigning in Black churches and easily defeating a Republican news broadcaster in the general election. In his 2014 biography, “,” the Dartmouth College religion historian Randall Balmer wrote that Carter regretted the 1970 campaign for the rest of his life.
A modest presidential candidate for a scandal-weary nation
Barred from running for re-election as governor in 1974 and seizing on the opening left by disarray in both major parties after the Watergate scandal, Carter leaped into the 1976 presidential campaign, starting out near the bottom of the polls in a Democratic field of more than a dozen candidates. He was generally derided as “Jimmy who?”
Relying on his reputation as a reformer with deep ties in the Baptist church and promising voters “I will never lie to you” — and capitalizing on political cartoonists’ depictions of him as a peanut with a big smile by adopting them in his campaign — Carter entered a record number of state primaries and caucuses. He campaigned tirelessly in Black and other minority communities and slowly chipped away at the opposition.
