The governor (Republicans) reaches the end of the first half of his term with a record number of vetoes and full approval of bills sent by the state administration to deputies.
In the first two years of government, approved by the Legislature, 145 total vetoes and 55 partial vetoes. The majority, 134, were vetoed in 2023 — in 2024, 66 proposals did not pass the governor’s scrutiny.
The survey was produced by Sheet based on information available on the Assembly website. Until the report was finalized, the page had autographs (text prepared by the House and sent to the governor with the final form of the proposal) published until December 19th.
The number of vetoes in the first half of Tarcísio’s administration exceeds that recorded in the same period of governments (116 vetoes in 2019 and 2020) and (115 in 2015 and 2016 and 128 in 2011 and 2012).
Asked about the topic, deputies from the base and allies of the governor state that there are more vetoes in this administration because Alesp approved more projects. According to them, there is an agreement to give more visibility to the work of parliamentarians, even if the proposals end up vetoed.
Public data from the Assembly, however, contradict this claim. More projects reached Tarcísio than Doria in the first two years of his term, but Alckmin received more proposals — and offered fewer vetoes.
Furthermore, proportionally, Tarcísio vetoed more than his two predecessors: 31% of the projects were to some extent blocked by the governor. In the case of Doria, this percentage was 24%. Alckmin vetoed 16% of the proposals in the first half of the mandate that began in 2015, and 17% of them in the administration that began in 2011.
Tarcísio surpasses Doria and Alckmin in both total and partial vetoes. In the first case, the project is blocked in its entirety, while in the second, the text is sanctioned after some section is removed.
In a note, the Civil House stated that the vetoes are due to technical and legal reasons, “since these projects contained provisions that are in disagreement with constitutional norms or contrary to the public interest”, and that the government “values dialogue and respect in relationship with deputies”.
The department counts the receipt of 661 projects for sanction since the beginning of the Tarcísio administration — 150 vetoed in full (23%), 56 partially (9%), 441 sanctioned (67%) and 14 still under analysis (2%).
The numbers present a small discrepancy in relation to those released by the Assembly (some autographs that reached the governor are not yet listed on the House’s website), but the percentage of vetoes over the total number of projects is similar.
deputy Gilmaci Santos (Republicans) argues that most of the proposals vetoed by Tarcísio are unconstitutional. “They complain, but they know that, if they were there, they would also have to veto. We’re going to approve about 15 or 20 today. The majority will be vetoed, there’s no way not to,” he says.
While the reporter was in the parliamentarian’s office to interview him, a deputy called to ask for support for a project he had authored. Over the phone, Gilmaci recalled that the Legislature does not have the power to create programs for the Executive and that the proposal would end up vetoed.
“They’re supposed to do politics at the base. Then, even to complain about the veto, he’s doing politics. ‘Ah, the governor vetoed my project, which was good for society’. He’s going to make noise and he’s going to win politically,” he says the deputy.
PT leader in the House, Paulo Fiorilo states that there is a lack of clarity in the Tarcísio government’s relationship with the projects presented by parliamentarians.
“The big problem is that the Assembly is not treated as it should. Why doesn’t the government analyze the projects and inform the deputy whether they are willing to sanction them or not? Why does he leave the stress of having to fight with several parties, with the leader of the government, and then, at the right time, the governor can veto it?”, he asks.
Tarcísio also reaches the halfway point of his term with all the projects he forwarded approved by Alesp.
One was archived because it lost its function – it was passed together with , in which it was included as a “jabuti”, that is, an excerpt that has no relation to the agenda. The text of an article of the Constitution to pave the way for the State Comptroller General to carry out administrative disciplinary procedures.
The Education PEC, , authorizes part of the resources currently allocated to education to be transferred to health. Before the vote, Tarcísio gathered the base at a dinner and promised to pay for the amendments already agreed with the deputies.
Alongside the , which passed the plenary in December 2023, the PEC is cited by parliamentarians as one of the projects that the government predicted would have the greatest difficulty in approving in the House.
With around 28 deputies among the 94, the opposition bloc managed to create obstacles in the first half of the government, but, in general, Tarcísio did not have any major difficulties in gathering support for his agenda.
“Most governors have never had difficulty approving anything”, says leader Gilmaci Santos. “The conversation with the opposition is not bad, they are respectful. And the relationship with the base is pacified.” Fiorilo, leader of the PT, argues that the opposition “has always been very tough” and that it has fulfilled its role.
In the next legislative year, Gilmaci predicts that the government’s priorities should revolve around civil servant readjustments. “Mainly the security readjustment. Maybe some changes in careers. There is nothing that the governor has signaled as an impact project”, he states.
In March 2025, with the end of the parliamentary recess, there will be at least one important vote: the one that will elect the new president of the Assembly. Parliamentarians say that the reappointment is almost certain.
In October, after months of negotiations between the president and colleagues, the Assembly approved a PEC that paved the way for his re-election. Until then, reappointment was only possible in different legislatures, which prevented him from remaining in his post.
Deputies of the House describe the president as a figure who seeks a conciliatory profile, establishing dialogue from left to right.
On the other hand, his critics, at the base and in the opposition, complain of excessive complacency with the Tarcísio government, which would have transformed the Assembly into an auxiliary line of the Executive.
