The ministerial reform triggered by () began involving a folder that is among the most messy of its three management, the political articulation. From 2003 so far, there have been six ministers of institutional relations, which will soon house the seventh ,.
On Tuesday (25).
Padilha, who takes office in the new role on the 10th, had hitherto being responsible for the political articulation of Lula 3, who will now be up to the PT president.
Of all the Ministries of the Lula Governments –2003 to 2006, 2007 to 2010, and from 2023 onwards -, only social security is equal in turnover. The folder was also led by seven different names (excluded from this account Carlos Eduardo Gabas, who performed the function buffer at the end of the petista’s second term).
This Friday (28) the president of the PT was announced as the new political articulator of the government, debaning names of the party itself and other subtitles.
Padilha, now former responsible for the area, had the work bombarded by Centrão, especially by the then mayor, (-al).
He assumed the function in early 2023 with an unfavorable scenario.
The left managed to elect only about a quarter of the chairs of the chamber and. In addition, the articulation model changed () to Lula, which displeased much of the center.
Bolsonaro had delegated to Lira and other congressional leaders to the political articulation of his government. With Lula’s victory, the task returned to the PT.
Although the government claims to have approved the main topics of interest, especially the new tax framework and tax reform, the fact is that everything has undergone modifications based on Congress and the record disbursement of parliamentary amendments, which surpassed $ 50 billion.
And defeats did not stop happening.
In the first two years of Lula 3 ,. The presidential vetoes, another major government instrument in the area, also had a negative historical mark.
In December 2023, for example, Congress overthrew 13 or partially 13 vetoes made by Lula.
The Secretariat of Institutional Relations states that with the damming of the MPs, from 2023-given to the dispute between Lira and Rodrigo Pacheco (PSD-MG), then president of the Senate-, government proposals were incorporated into other projects.
He says that more than 70 MPs edited by Lula dealt with budget credits or temporary effects policies, exhausting their purposes even without analysis of Congress.
“It is wrong to consider that there was approval of only 15% of MPs in this biennium. Excluding those of a temporary nature, such as budget credits, and those in processing, the approval rate is 94%.”
The high instability of Lula’s political articulation offices also occurred with other presidents and is partly explained by the country’s political instability scenario.
Since redemocratization, two presidents of the Republic, Fernando Collor de Mello (1992) and Dilma Rousseff (2016), had the mandates shortened by impeachment.
The governments of the toucan (1995-2002) lived relative stability in Congress, based on a large majority due to the alliance with the PFL (today União Brasil) and the PMDB (today).
For most of this period, there was no specific portfolio that concentrated the political articulation, a task that was exercised directly by the President, by his deputy Marco Maciel (PFL), and a profusion of ministers with close connection and influence on Congress – others, Elisha Padilha (Transport), Luis Carlos dos Santos (Political Affairs), Sergio Motta (communications), Francisco Dornelles (Industry and Labor) Veiga (communications), José Jorge (Minas and Energy), Gustavo Krause (Environment) and Nelson Jobim (Justice).
In his first term, Lula had as his first political articulator (PT) in the Civil House.
In early 2004, Dirceu gained a kind of “assistant” with the creation of the Secretariat of Political Coordination and Institutional Relations, linked to the presidency and with ministry status, which was occupied by federal deputy Aldo Rebelo (PC do B)
However, he was directly slaughtered about Dirceu in 2005, when the petista was accused by (PTB, today PRD) to coopt parties to support the government in exchange for monthly payments.
Dirceu lost his position in the government and the mandate of federal deputy in the House.
Lula was forced to make a ministerial reform and exchanged Rebelo for the petista – the name of the portfolio became only the Secretariat of Institutional Relations.
Jaques would be replaced in the first term by Tarsus Genro (PT). The second government of Lula (2007-2010) was the one with the highest stability. The articulator function was occupied at the beginning by two petebists – award from the seas Guia and José Múcio (today Minister of Defense).
At the end of 2009, the function returned to the PT, with Padilha, which is, so far, what has occupied the folder ownership in Lula management, totaling three years and five months in two terms.
Petista Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016), emedebista Michel Temer (2016-2018) and Bolsonaro also had high turnover in his political articulation.
Dilma delegated the function to petistas and, in a brief period, on the eve of suffering the outbreak of the impeachment process, to the deputy, Temer.
In power, the emedebista had close connection with Congress, despite the unpopularity. So much so that the federal deputies made him free of charge from the departure from office. In addition to personally doing the relationship with Congress, he had as articulators federal deputies Geddel Vieira Lima (MDB), Antonio Imbassahy (PSDB) and Carlos Marun (MDB). In addition to veteran Elisha Padilha, in the Civil House.
Already Bolsonaro tried to put a relationship through parliamentary fronts -being the deputy (house) as one of the main bridges.
Following the failure of the model, he allied himself with the centron of Lira, who took over the reins of the joint in mid -2020. In the final stretch, the official names of the Planalto who negotiated with the congress were Senator Ciro Nogueira (House Civil) and the deputy Flávia Arruda (today’s extinct Secretariat of Government).
