A follows a history of maintenance at the government’s core, commanding key posts. But the evolution of party feuds in the three management (2003-2006, 2007-2010 and 2023 onwards) shows that several of them, until the oppositionist, have or have had their spaces.
In an upward climb, today ministers of other subtitles and without party binding add up to more than half of the PT affiliates in a score of 26 to 11.
For now, Lula’s ministerial reform has focused on “homemade” exchanges, PT pieces or party linked.
Paulo Pimenta (Secretariat of Communication), PT ,. Nísia Trindade (health), without affiliation, but linked to the party, until then the responsible for the political articulation. In your place, now the PT president enters.
In his first term, Lula began the government only with the PT and leftist parties, as well as some important ministers and figures without party binding, including banker and former Tucano Henrique Meirelles in the Central Bank (BC at the time had no ministry status).
In the early second year, in 2004, Lula made a first renovation in his ministry to enter a party that would follow up to (2011-2016), besides being an ally today, the (today).
Despite the often troubled relationship, the MDB was in the first two governments Lula the preferred ally, with only a complete break in the period of Dilma, who was led by two central figures of the party, the then mayor, and then vice president ,.
The alliance is explained by the fact that the MDB was the acronym of opposition to the military regime and, at the beginning of Lula 1 management, being one of the largest in Congress. The other two powers of the time, PSDB and PFL, were PT archirivals.
The evolution of the MDB fiefdom in Lula management, however, was punctuated by some crises.
The alliance with the PT was still negotiated in the transition of 2002, by José Dirceu (PT), who would become the almighty minister of the Civil House.
For internal differences in both acronyms, Lula ended up disallowing the alliance. Only in 2004 did the MDB join the government, yet shyly with two but peripheral ministries: social security, with Senator Amir Lando, and communications, with federal deputy Eunício Oliveira.
The first full -bodied of the MDB in Lula management occurred in mid -2005, at the height of the monthly, a scandal that shook the government at the time and even led allies to suggest to Lula to abandon the idea of trying reelection.
At the time, the MDB exchanged social security for the much more robust health (with federal deputy Saraiva Felipe) and Minas and Energy, with Silas Rondeau. Communications remained at the party’s quota, but Senator Helio Costa took the place of Eunício.
With Lula surpassing the crisis and being reelected in 2006, in his second management the MDB assumed a greater protagonism. Temer’s party jumped from the third largest bench in the House in 2002 to the first bench in 2006, with 89 out of 513 chairs.
With this, the party maintained health, communications and mines and energy and included in its naco national integration and agriculture. In 2007 I would add defense to the fan.
Lula’s high popularity in his second term and the absence of larger bumps consolidated the alliance to the point of fearing to be raised to the deputy on Dilma’s plate, which would win the 2010 and 2014 disputes.
After the break during impeachment and the Temer governments, and the MDB became Lula’s partner in its third term.
This time, however, it divides the protagonism with two other center and right subtitles, and. and complete the center-right wing of management, controlling 11 ministries.
Of the great right -wing parties, only the Bolsonaro PL of naturally does not compose the Lula administration. But the acronym was in the first two terms, well before Bolsonaro joined her.
In Lula 1 and 2 and during Dilma, the PL commanded the transport area. The acronym was the target of the resignation of Alfredo Nascimento of the folder, but continued giving the letters. Today, the Ministry of Transport is with the MDB (Renan Filho).
The expansion of the current coalition is fundamentally explained by the fact that the PT and the left are minority in Congress (they only control about a quarter of the chairs), as well as Lula and the party has been from at least 2015 under cross artillery of what would become the new right, sometimes gathered around Bolsonaro.
Despite the advance of other subtitles, Lula keeps the PT in charge of key posts such as Farm, Civil House, Education, Political Articulation and, now, Health.
Already the history of the smaller left parties ,,, pc do B, PV and network have been or are in Lula governments, but almost always occupying ministries considered peripheral.
The, which was created by dissidents of the PT, joined only in Lula 3 and commands the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples, with Sônia Guajajara.
