They leave them open several questions about the episodes that resulted.
Most of the pieces have been filed by lawyers since Thursday (6) and seeks to exempt their clients of participation in attempted institutional break and focus on the filing request due to alleged procedural illegalities and defense curtailment-in addition to questioning.
About the merit, many questions that weigh on the accused were unanswered, at least at this stage.
The main character of the episode, the former president (PL) explores in-in part of the merits of the accusations-the precariousness of indications of direct involvement of him in the attacks of January 8, 2023 and in the making and execution of the alleged murder plan of authorities.
About the most robust point that weighs against him, however, which involves the so -called “”, the defense adopts a dubious tone. It does not deny existence, but it does not confirm it clearly. It only states that if it existed, it was softened by Bolsonaro and yet never signed, not configuring a crime.
“What remains of the complaint, withdrawn its most glaring contradictions, would be the draft decree that, taken by others, was not signed by the petitioner [Bolsonaro]. It was possible to trust the whistleblower’s words [Mauro Cid]the supposed draft of the decree, never signed, is not an act capable of overcoming the limit of preparation, never invading the sphere of the execution of so -called crimes against democratic institutions, “says the play, signed by the team of lawyers led by Celso Vilardi.
In addition to the dubiousness, the main point left open is why there was the discussion of, at best, decrees of exception, which involved meetings with the commanders of the Armed Forces, in a period when there was no plausible justification for this.
The “scam draft” is.
Versions of the document were found at the former Minister of Justice’s house, in the room where Bolsonaro uses in and on an electronic device of, former chief of the aid of orders and whistleblower of the plot.
In addition to the documents, seized messages, and the testimonies of the then Army Commanders, Marco Antonio Freire Gomes, and the Air Force, Carlos Baptista Junior, maintain that this draft was presented to the heads of the Armed Forces, in search of adhesion.
The draft is also a central point in the play presented by the lawyer of the reserve general Paulo Sérgio Nogueira, then Minister of Defense of Bolsonaro.
According to testimonials, it was up to Nogueira to present a version of the document on December 14, 2022 to the commanders of the three forces. Freire Gomes and Baptista Junior would have refuted the proposal.
Paulo Sérgio’s defense confirmed the meeting in the play presented to the Supreme Court, but denied that the meeting was intended to press the commanders to join a coup. To this end, he uses the testimonies of Freire Gomes and Baptista Jr. in the sense that his refusals were not contested by the Minister of Defense.
The play signed by lawyer Andrew Fernandes Farias, however, does not present the motivation that it would have led Nogueira to gather the military chiefs to introduce them to the draft. It only makes conjectures about possible reasons.
“West: Wouldn’t it be important for the Defense Minister to probe the commanders to keep the unit of the Armed Forces avoiding any rupture adventure?” The defense says. “If a draft decree had been made, it wouldn’t be prudent for General Paulo Sérgio to talk to the commanders about the document that contained ‘Doidera’ so that the commanders were aware?”
Another chapter of the PGR complaint is also remaining with issues open in the prior defense of the accused:, which would have been managed in order to murder authorities of the Republic, including the elected plate and Moraes.
Central character of this point of the plot, General Mário Fernandes, then number 2 of the General Secretariat of the Presidency, says.
The version contradicts the investigation of the Federal Police. According to the investigation, Mario presented the plan to Lieutenant Colonel Rafael de Oliveira on December 6, 2022. The military would be responsible for planning the attack on Moraes.
The signed piece, among others, by lawyer Marcus Vinicius Figueiredo, does not bring the reasons why the document was created by the general nor why it was printed for more than once in the Planalto Palace.
Mario Fernandes’ lawyers also do not mention that found by the Federal Police on his computer that detailed the assembly of a crisis office that would manage the country after the barracks.
Marcelo Câmara’s defense – Bolsonaro’s reserve and advisor – responsible for passing Cid information about the whereabouts of Moraes, says there was only “accompaniment through open sources/Google”, not a monitoring, and that this does not constitute a crime.
Kuntz Advocacia did not explain in the document, however, why the then Bolsonaro advisor did this task and passed it to CID.
Another gap in the defenses delivered to the Supreme Court concerns Augusto Heleno, then head of the GSI (Institutional Security Office).
The defense of the general says there is precariousness of evidence and indications of Heleno’s participation in an attempt to coup, highlighting an excerpt from Cid’s denunciation in which the lieutenant colonel says he did not witness any “operational or planning” action by Heleno.
The play signed by lawyer Matheus Mayer Milanez, however, says they were taken from context Heleno’s speeches at the ministerial meeting promoted by Bolsonaro on July 5, 2022, but does not mention what the right context would be in his vision.
At the meeting, Heleno argued that what had to be done would have to be done at that time. “If you have to turn the table, it is before the elections,” said the then GSI chief, adding that it was necessary to “act against certain institutions and certain people.”
