For the superstitious Lula administration, he brought him a datum Alvisareiro, at least compared to the succession of bad news about presidential popularity.
His approval returned to December 2005, on the eve of Lula’s campaign for the second term. At the time, as now, pessimism dominated the presidential palace, and the opposition, led by today semi -man PSDB, already licked the lips.
There were 28% those who considered the government great or good, against 29% now. Lula, as we know, was reelected in 2006.
The intriguing is the difference in context. For 20 years, the petista had faced his first major scandal, that of the monthly, with obvious consequences for his popularity.
Now, approval skates in a context of low unemployment, economic growth, moderate inflation (despite the discharge of some foods) and the absence of large cases of corruption.
The fact that and even rehearsed a recovery in segments, in the case of the Northeast, is still well understood.
The big question is whether it is just a hiccup, since there was not much as the numbers get worse, or the beginning of a sustained recovery process. For this, it will be necessary to wait for the dissemination of new research.
Optimists in Lulism will seek to sell the idea that finally the turn of the key caused by the arrival of
The Bahian marketer has been struggling: the president’s language has changed on the net, cut some excesses of Janja, rocked a new slogan, and has tried to engage ministers more in the diffusion of government actions. Last Thursday (3) in Brasilia that of campaign event was not named.
Some actions that inject money directly into the population’s pocket have also gained priority in the official agenda, such as private payroll and the income tax exemption project for monthly gain of up to R $ 5,000.
The IR proposal, in particular, is considered by Lula’s allies in Congress a “good fight” because it leaves opponents with little margin of maneuver to oppose a very popular thesis measure.
Still following this optimistic script, it could be another agenda of great appeal to the workers, especially those of application, a relatively new category that has flirted with the right.
All of this looks great on paper. But the problem with Lula’s approval, as has become clear, goes beyond the actions of his government and even some sense of social welfare of the population.
There is an obvious fatigue of material in his personal image and a skilled opposition, on networks and outside of them, to explore behavioral and economic topics to wear out the government.
In addition, the political effects of the probable arrest of the electorate are unknown, and some say that the event could generate a feeling of Martying that would turn a possible right candidate.
What Datafolha points out for sure is that, as history shows, Lula still has time and means to react. And maybe it’s already reacting.
