On Thursday (24), the former president had his arrest determined by Minister Alexandre de Moraes, of the Supreme Court (STF) after being convicted of corruption in a lawsuit derived from Operation Lava Jato.
The request for imprisonment of the former Mandanker comes 33 years after he is removed from the executive’s leadership in an impeachment process that became a symbol of corruption in the country. Collor was definitively removed by the Senate on December 30, 1992.
The politician took over the federal government in March 1990. Two years and nine months later, when he left office, he was replaced by his vice president Itamar Franco (PMDB), who ruled the country until he finished his term in late 1994.
Collor’s fall involved the complaints made by their own brother, Pedro Collor de Mello involved the treasurer of the former president’s campaign ,. The accusations involved the knowledge of an influence trafficking scheme within the government, and corruption in renovations at Dinda’s house, a mansion in Brasilia in which the then chief executive’s family lived.
“Collor’s fall is associated with its inability to organize politically, along with, much due to the failure of its inflation plan,” says Leandro Torelli, historian and professor at the São Paulo School of Sociology and Politics Foundation.
Collor was a senator for Alagoas until 2022, and left office after being defeated in the last elections while trying to be governor of his state by the former PTB, today PRD – when he also supported the reelection of Jair Bolsonaro (PL).
In June 1992, Congress installed a CPI to investigate complaints made by Pedro Collor de Mello involving.
In an interview with Veja magazine, Pedro Collor stated that PC Farias participated in a corruption scheme. The list included fraudulent competitions, money laundering and paying personal accounts with campaign money.
“PC Farias had no official positions, but it was a figure that hovered within the Collor government and was an important figure in the campaign,” says historian Leandro Torelli. “The Fiat Elba episode is famous, used by Collor, and was bought with money diverted by PC Farias.”
During the CPI, he said PC Farias coordinated an influence trafficking system within the government. He accused his brother of having knowledge and agreeing with the scheme. Corruption would involve reforms at Dinda’s house, a mansion in Brasilia in which the Collor family lived.
Given the evidence, Collor asked the population to leave the streets of green and yellow to demonstrate support. It didn’t work out.
People went to the streets of Black against their government. Impeachment demonstrations grew, especially with the participation of young students who were known as the guys painted.
Amid a growing number of demonstrations across the country asking for the president to fall, in September of that year the House of Representatives instituted a special commission to analyze a complaint against Collor for a crime of liability.
In the same month, on the 29th, the House of Representatives voted for the opening of the impeachment process. There were 441 votes in favor, 38 against. The president was removed from office to respond to the process.
The final decision on the impediments of presidents of the Republic is from the Senate, according to the Constitution. When approved by the house the agent leaves the position definitively. Refused, returns to the post.
The senators began Collor’s trial on December 29, 1992. Upon realizing that the result would not be favorable, Collor tried to resign. The maneuver did not work.
By 76 votes in favor and 2 against, the Senate decided to definitively withdraw from the president. With the decision, he was prevented from holding public office for eight years.
Collor is heir to an Alagoas family with a history of political participation. Graduated in economics, he was mayor of Maceió in 1979 and then federal deputy for the PDS (Social Democratic Party).
“He was mayor at the time of the dictatorship. Collor was from the dictatorship party. At the end of the regime – he was very young – he changed his party and spent time in the PMDB,” says Leonardo Weller, professor of economic history at FGV.
In 1986, he won the election for governor of Alagoas with a campaign focused on combating corruption. This speech helped to project it.
In 1989, after playing a second round against, he was elected by the PRN (National Reconstruction Party). He was the first to reach the position of President of the Republic through the popular vote after the.
According to FGV professor, Collor had the balcony of “jumping out of the boat” in time. The economic plan did not function as it looked initially and Sarney’s popularity was low.
“Collor entered the elections to criticize Sarney on the right, while Lula and [Leonel] Brizola did on the left. Whoever was on Sarney’s side was bad, “he says.
Being still unknown, says Weller, he was able to sell the image of being a person outside the system. “Which wasn’t true, but it didn’t matter. He sold himself that way. A little as Bolsonaro.”
Historian Leandro Torelli states that this context of the time is important to understand what the Collor government was and its fall.
“Sarney had the inheritance of the dictatorship over himself and failed to make a successful government. The economy failed, inflation fired, the country lived a very serious economic scenario. And still had a new approved constitution.”
FGV’s Weller goes on the same line. The expert points out that the economic issue was the most striking of the Collor period. The end of the Sarney government was inflation fired. And it was in this scenario that Collor took over. “We never had an inflation like that period,” says Weller.
When he arrived in the government, Collor decided to freeze price and bank accounts. The assessment of his team was that in the face of such high inflation did not have instruments to do monetary policy.
“. Freezing all deposits, including savings,” says Weller. “He took very heavy. Companies began to fail and the economy began to enter a very violent recession.”
After the measures, the relationship with Congress became tense. When the economic plane begins to fail, it loses support from important sectors of society, and part of parliamentarians.
“At first the Collor plan had popular support,” says Leandro Torelli. “From the moment inflation went up again, his popularity falls dramatically. When the first charges of corruption appear, he is very weakened by this scenario.”
