De Mello had a political career marked by failures and a lateral congressional performance in these 32 and a half years since he was removed from the Presidency of the Republic in October 1992, due.
Politician of pasty ideological convictions, also followed an erratic trail of attempting to align with sometimes antagonistic forces, passing by,,,, MDB, and, more recently, PL.
The apparent goal has always been the electoral convenience in Alagoas, coupled with the benefits offered by the federal machine. Despite some of the politicians with whom they associated themselves, as possible, to avoid direct binding, there has never been an explicit rejection on their part.
Collor tried to return to politics in 2000 vying for the city’s city hall in the country, São Paulo, but was prevented by the court. Eighteen years later, he claimed to run again for the Presidency of the Republic, but was barred by the party himself at the time, the PTC Nanico.
In the five elections he was able to compete on his return, he lost three – all to the government of Alagoas – and won two to the, where he fulfilled erased mandates, almost always militating in the group of congressmen known as Baixo Clergy, the one without relevant national projection or influence.
Like the last ally (Bolsonaro), Collor has never been supported in these three decades in solid and traditional political and partisan associations, which can be glimpsed in his affiliation portfolio.
Arena (the dictatorship party), PDS, PMDB, PRN, PRTB ,, PTC, Pros and PTB again – Small Signs that merged the Patriot, creating the PRD ,.
Before arriving at Planalto Collor’s palace, he was an ally of the then president (PMDB), with whom he soon broke, electing him as a preferential target in the 1989 campaign, when he qualified him, among other attributes, such as “the largest walker scout in history.”
Because of this, Collor left the PMDB and disputed the election by the PRN, the national reconstruction party, an acronym of years in party naniquism – being called youth party, changed to PRN in 1989, became PTC in 2000, and act from 2022.
After losing office, Collor spent a season abroad and in the late 1990s began the process of attempted politics. In an attempt to run for São Paulo City Hall for the PRTB Nanico, the TSE (Superior Electoral Court) for understanding that its period of ineligibility had not yet been exhausted.
In the period, he already made statements in favor of Lula’s presidential candidacy, the rival with whom he had played the second round of the 1989 presidential elections.
In 2002, he tried to return to the government of Alagoas, but was defeated by Ronaldo Lessa (PSB) in the first round.
Four years later, in 2006, he obtained the first electoral victory after the impeachment, electing senator by Alagoas, this time beating Lessa. As soon as he arrived in the Senate, he exchanged the PTB Nanico for the PTB, the leader of the House’s Shock Troop that tried to block his impeachment in the previous decade.
In the 2010 election, Collor again disputed the government of Alagoas, this time trying to surf the then popularity of Lula, which he would get that year to get Dilma as his successor.
“It’s Lula supporting Collor, it’s Collor supporting Dilma, for the needy. It’s Lula supporting Dilma, it’s Dilma supporting Collor. And the three for the good of us,” said her campaign jingle.
Collor, however, suffered the shame of not even going to the second round, played by Teotônio Vilela (PSDB) and Ronaldo Lessa (PDT).
In 2014, he reelected himself senator by wide margin –56% of the valid votes against 32% of the second place, Heloísa Helena (PSOL), but the performance in Congress followed without major highlights.
After breaking with Dilma at the time of lean cows of petista and petism in 2016, Collor voted in favor of impeachment and maintained good relations with the management of Michel Temer (MDB).
In 2018, the year of Bolsonaro’s victory, the then senator claimed to run again for the presidency of the Republic, but failed to endorse the PTC, the party of the time. The acronym ended up joining the candidacy of Álvaro Dias (Somos), who was ninth in the dispute.
Collor’s last electoral onslaught was in 2022, when he tried again to go back to governing Alagoas, the position that had projected him in the late 1980s for the presidency.
In this election, and betting on the right-wing wave that had been weighing the country four years earlier, the former president stated a vote and campaigned for Bolsonaro, who in 2005 used it as an example of corruption to attack Lula.
Bolsonaro returned. At an event in the interior of Sergipe in May 2022, with Collor and several centrão politicians next to him on his side, the then president said Collor was a great ally in Parliament and that Brazil was getting rid of the “old politics”.
Like Bolsonaro, Collor was unsuccessful. In your case, however, the defeat was by a rout. It was third again and failed to go to the second round.
