The former president’s arrest consolidates an ambiguous relationship of the (Supreme Court) with, perhaps in his last chapters.
That of a symbolic figure in the country’s history once again exposes the oscillating behavior of ministers with the research that most strongly impacted Brazilian politics.
In a moment of weakness of the operation, when not even the prosecutor seems more willing to defend its remaining processes, the Court punishes one of the most controversial politicians in Brazilian history, which had escaped from jail even in its famous.
Even critics such as Minister Dias Toffoli voted for the conviction, sacrament in 2023 and which was based on many of the elements discarded on so many other actions, such as allegations obtained after long seasons of prison.
With the arrest of Collor, a figure for years in ostracism, without allies or faithful electorate, Lava Jato gets a late asset after years of defeats and process cancellations. Little remains in the investigation courts that paired the political system in the past decade and favored the rise of pockets.
Their most varied targets have benefited from twists and got rid of accusations and jail-the contractor Leo Pinheiro and former Minister Antonio Palocci are just a few recent examples.
If today it is easy to fuel the errors and abuses made in the figures of politicians and Deltan Dallagnol, it is often remembered that the highest cut in the country has ratified much of the initiatives of both a decade ago.
From the arrest of the first targets, in 2014, to Odebrecht’s agreement and the rejection of Habeas Corpus to Lula in 2018, much was done with the endorsement of the STF. It was a time when the court was still pressured to deny the famous phrase of Romero Jucá, the then senator who was recorded a “national agreement with Supreme, with everything” to block the investigation started in Curitiba.
Gilmar Mendes, who recently said he was considering that there was a criminal organization in charge of the operation, valued one of the most controversial measures of that time, the release by Moro from the conversation audios of Lula and Dilma Rousseff in 2016 by using it as a foundation to bar the inauguration of today’s Civil House.
Cármen Lúcia, the judgment strategist who denied habeas corpus to Lula in 2018, also changed the profile of his votes over the years. It was her decisive vote to declare Moro’s bias in trial in 2021, after changing her own position of two years before in the same process.
The change of positions reflected the political climate around Lava Jato, which became mainly after the revelation of conversations between Moro and prosecutors who showed collaboration between judge and prosecution, which is illegal.
The operation remains, however, almost as a shadow in court, as could be seen in the recent judgment of the complaint against Jair Bolsonaro in March.
Operation practices returned to the debates at the session, and Alexandre de Moraes even criticized the award -winning model of previously in force – to mention, for example, that Cármen Lúcia was approving the agreements of Odebrecht whistleblowers in 2017.
