At the moment, there is a remarkable confluence of news that brutally raises the protrusion of the political agenda: the scandal of discounts on retirement and pensions of (bringing out the case of the payrolls, which involved the); the minister’s fall after complaint of PGR; the asylum granted to and the arrest of Odebrechtgate; And finally, Collor’s arrest in a process due to the Lava Jato.
Corruption returned to the news – and it could not be different. And will have impact. About the third of non -petist and non -Bolsonarist voters, well understood. Corruption is, par excellence, the opposition flag, as. This finding is consensual in the literature on the subject, although in Brazil, the “argument” was cultivated that the politicization of corruption was characteristic of “Udenist moralism”. In fact, the protagonism of the opposition to post-war-in allegations of corruption only confirms this pattern. During the military regime, the opposition assumed this role, and Paulo Maluf became the symbol of corruption. Brizola even referred to the “UDN of overalls.
Who holds the pen to name and hiring is the chief executive; In the expression needs Rui Barbosa, “the president is the great nominator, the great contractor.” Appointing and hiring means ultimately means distributing private goods – unemployment, income and local benefits. Opposition can only offer promises of public goods, diffuse impact: clean government, transparency, democratization and future growth.
The current news about corruption could not emerge at a more delicate time for the government 3 – which explains the unusual media effort to control the repercussions of the potentially most explosive case: the INSS. Also revealing was the refusal of the House leader to accept the ministry after the fall of Juscelino.
I analyzed the unprecedented erosion of Lula’s reputation and political capital, suggesting that multiple factors weaken it and turn it into a “lame duck.” I concluded, at the time, that “for coalition partners, the gains to participate in the government are decreasing over time.” As an ineligible politician, his bargaining power decreases in the face of the inability to formulate believable promises – that they presuppose continuity in office.
The deputy’s refusal only confirms this forecast. The gains from being in government are falling, and Planalto quickly loses its gravitational strength. In any case the presidency vertebrates our even weakened political system.
The impact of corruption scandals on governance assessment is more severe when the economy goes bad, as Zechmeister concludes in “The Varying Political Toll of Concerns About Corruption in Good versus Bad Economic Times.” This creates incentives for granting private benefits, consequently, for the expansion of public spending.
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