Sir David Manning: Europe should think worldwide, not only peripheral

by Andrea
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Τραμπ: Ο λιγότερο δημοφιλής πρόεδρος κατά τις 100 πρώτες ημέρες προεδρίας

In an exclusive interview with “Vima”, Sir David Manning – His former ambassador to the former prime minister’s foreign policy adviser Tony Blairwhile today he is an honorary partner of Chatham House and director of the Gatehouse House Advisory Partners – provides a sharp evaluation of the changing geopolitical reality.

By making a review of the first 100 days of Trump’s rule, how would you evaluate the impact on the “special relationship” UK – USA?

“Their relationship was based on common values ​​and a similar approach to many – though not all – important international issues. Now, we can no longer consider this sympathy. We – and you in Greece – like most European countries, are decisively supporting it. It is, therefore, deeply alarming that Trump seems willing to conclude an agreement with Putin at the expense of the Ukrainians and without serious consultation with the US allies in. It is an unprecedented situation, a challenge to the values ​​and assumptions that supported both the UK -US relationship and the transatlantic relationship as a whole from World War II. “

During your term as ambassador to the US, you worked closely with the Bush government in difficult times. How does the second Trump presidency compare?

“Under George Bush’s presidency there were differences between the UK and the US, as well as between the US and other European Allies. However, there was a common perception of the world in which we wanted to live: NATO and the defense of Western democracy, belief in an open trade system, development aid, etc. We may have disagreed with how these goals would be better achieved, but there was never a doubt that we were sharing the same post -war vision on which the transatlantic community was built. The current situation is different. “

What were the key challenges in maintaining a close alliance with the Bush government, especially because of Iraq?

“There were tensions and differences – some pretty deep. They were not just about. For example, Tony Blair wanted to give a much greater priority than George Bush in the negotiation of peace agreement between and. London and Washington did not agree on everything. Nevertheless, there was an intention for close consultation on all issues. This is no longer the case – as the case of Ukraine shows. “

The so -called “Manning Memorandum” provides a rare picture of the discussions between President Bush and Prime Minister Blair before the invasion of Iraq. What can you tell us about the atmosphere then?

“For many months, Blair tried hard to avoid an invasion. He wanted Iraq’s problem to be resolved through the UN. In the end, the UN path failed. The United States lost their patience with the mass -destruction inspection process as they believed that Saddam Hussein had taken her up, and decided to invade. Blair, like most West leaders, believed in the information information that Saddam Hussein was still hiding OMK stocks, ignoring the international community. “

What advice would you give to the British diplomats trying to navigate today to Trump’s changing priorities?

“Washington today is very different from the one I met. My advice is to build relationships with as many members of the Trump government as possible. To project their arguments steadily but privately and without confrontation, e.g. Because they will harm the global economy; continue to argue that NATO and the Transatlantic Alliance are critical to international stability and security.

At the same time, Britain and other US partners will have to decide what they can offer in their negotiations with Trump. What do you have where she wants? What can you exchange? And finally, I would say not to make the mistake of thinking that America is Trump and his government. To talk to the members of Congress and cultivate relationships with fifty states. “

How do you see current geopolitical tensions? Are we returning to the dynamics of the Cold War?

“I don’t see it as a return to the dynamics of the Cold War. There was a confrontation between two blocks. It was an ideological battle: Communist totalitarianism against liberal, capitalist democracy. The Cold War did not concern economic competition. West’s involvement with the Soviet economy was minimal. Today we live in a globalized world, even if Trump wants to change him. We are also in a multipolar world. The dynamics of international relations has become more complicated, with more players. “

How do you envision the long -term future of the UK and EU relationships after Brexit?

“My point is that it was a nonsense. It undermined both our financial and strategic interests. We now have to deal with the uncertainties and whims of the second Trump government. This pushes Britain to closer relations with Europeans. The first area where we can see quick changes is defense. It seems that Britain and its European partners will soon conclude a new European defense agreement. The threatening and uncertain international landscape and changes in US policies and priorities mean that the British government will want to build a new and much more constructive post -Brexit relationship with the EU.

We need to build a European pillar within NATO, which is theoretically welcomed by Trump and who does not need to compete with the new UK -EU defense agreement that appears on the horizon. We must also enhance cooperation in defense with democratic partners around the world, such as Australia, Japan and South Korea. They may not feel immediate threat from Russia, but they have serious concerns about security and, like Europeans, doubts about the stability of traditional US security guarantees. Europe must think worldwide, not just peripheral. “

Given your extensive diplomatic experience, how do you see the ongoing discussion of the reunification of the Parthenon sculptures?

“I hope a solution is found. It should be possible for our great museums to reach agreements of cooperation and joint custody. “

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