Last week the news ran that the former president was with four governors who will surely amnesty Jair if they were elected president (,, and.) And that we do not know if it would be amnesty.
The idea would be to discuss the candidacy from a program similar to that contained in the document “Bridge for the Future”, a manifesto that guaranteed Dilma’s elite support.
Apparently, Temer was trying to frame the right -wing movement that already articulates to 2026 in other terms: with Eduardo Leite there in the quota so as not scammers and, which is more important, not to mention Jair.
The candidate could even be the same ,. However, Tarcisio would be a Reborn baby with Temer’s face, not with Jair’s face.
The pockets were very unworthy. He threatened to launch a pure-sangue plate of the far right. Malafaia said that without Jair, the candidate should be. Wajngarten, in conversation with Mauro Cid discovered by the police, had already said that he preferred Lula to Michele. Flávio Bolsonaro was more shocked by Temer than he would have stayed if the guy who sold him the mansion asked him where he came out so much cash. Tarcisio hastened to say that there is no right without Bolsonaro, which, if you ask Google to translate to Portuguese, means “au, au”.
It was enough to Fear to retreat and say that Bolsonaro can perfectly participate in the center-right front. After all, in Brazil “Centro” is just the business in which the rich want to vote.
It also drew attention the little enthusiasm among the governors with the idea of a “bridge for the future 2”.
It is no coincidence: “Bridge” was a good manifesto for impeachment, which did not depend on popular vote. To win election, since 2018 the plan is to talk about liberalism in a business event and to concentrate the campaign on customs of customs and dissemination of fake news in the church’s zap group. This is the great fascination that pockets exerts on the rich: it is a strategy of gaining a vote of poor without having to increase salary.
It would be great if the right -wing governors distanced themselves from coup, but not even in this respect Temer’s articulation was very promising.
Michel Temer reached the presidency in 2016 at the end of an impeachment process that many people still consider a blow.
When Jair tried a manual, undisputed manual, Temer could have cleared his bar a little saying: Look, that’s it, yes, it’s a blow. I didn’t try to kill Dilma as Jair tried to kill Lula, Alckmin, Xandão. I did not present to the heads of the Armed Forces a proposal to destroy all democratic freedoms. I didn’t try to blow up the Brasilia airport on Christmas Eve, I didn’t send Eduardo Cunha and Geddel break everything in the Three Powers Square.
Instead of using this argument, Michel decided to say that all that Jair did was not a blow either. Then it is difficult, son.
Finally, the discussion about whether Tarcisio will be a baby Jair Reborn or a baby Temer Reborn confirmed that the Brazilian right remains strong, but has not stopped worse.
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