The testimony of General Marco Antonio Freire Gomes, the Army Commander in the last year of (PL) management, rekindled doubts and ambiguities about the role of the military in the episode of the scammer plot of the end of 2022.
In front of ministers of the Federal Supreme Court) and the head of the Attorney General’s Office, Paulo Gonet, resulted not only in a reprimand on the part of how he revived suspicions of omission by the then army head before the clear undemocratic movement that boiled in the palaces of the Plateau and the dawn in that period.
At the same time as the hero’s cover painted in the final report of and the denunciation of closes his eyes to the acts of the military man who will also be elements that show it as a major obstacle to the coup.
The alleged slowdown of his version annoyed Moraes, which again explains the minister’s apparent indifference to being a judge and prosecutor at the same time, entitled to scolding. “
The supposed word, in this case, is appropriate because there is no public disclosure of the full of what Freire Gomes told the Federal Police in his statement, but the PF report of what he would have said. The typical “quies”, “which, when questioned, answered …”
Even though he and his defense have endorsed such records, word play, intonation, distortions, and those not told in a story like this can change a lot.
The PF itself, for example, treated Freire Gomes differently at the beginning of the investigation.
In November 2023, when he made the first representation of the case to the Supreme Court, she cited evidence that the general had resisted pressure to join a coup, but said that a possible omission had to be aware of an illegal movement of that size and yet “harassed inert.”
A year later, in, this shadow of omission disappears without explanation. The official narrative began to celebrate Freire Gomes as the biggest obstacle to the coup intent-a key so that Bolsonaro would not break with the democratic order. In this change of tone, relevant elements have been on the way.
Although other evidence beyond the General’s Word to indicate that he was, a great barrier to the plot, both in the PF final document and the PGR denunciation are ignored facts and evidence in the different sense.
The first, a, having Freire Gomes ahead. The document was seen at the time and even in the initial investigation of the PF as a veiled threat to the Supreme Court and an endorsement for the maintenance of camps before the army’s headquarters.
These camps resulted on December 12, 2022, and 2023.
The PF itself highlighted in its initial report that Bolsonaro’s head of the aid of orders, Mauro Cid, sent a congratulations to Freire Gomes on the same day of the release of this note, saying that it was read by the camped as a sign that they would have the protection of against any judicial decisions.
It was also from Freire Gomes, too, the order to be in front of the barracks when General Gustavo Dutra, head of the Planalto Military Command, prepared a dismantling operation on December 29, 2022. O, with fear of Bolsonaro’s reaction.
Another episode that ended up being ignored by PF and PGR at the end was the participation of the army chief, when Bolsonaro and several ministers made demonstrations of Claro scam three months from the election.
At the end of 2022, the then army commander maintained ambiguous relationship with Bolsonaro. He accompanied the second round investigation alongside the former president in the Dawn Palace and returned to the scene at least 13 times after the electoral defeat-some with military chiefs, others alone. Among others, on December 24, when he handed a gift and invitation to Bolsonaro to the command of command.
Several of the elements collected in the investigations point out, however, for the resistance of the army chief. Among them, the testimony of brigadeiro Carlos de Almeida Baptista Junior, then commander of the Air Force, according to whom he insisted on the coup adventure.
It is a fact that the army chief has not confirmed this threat or to the PF, according to his statement. Now, as a witness to the Supreme Court, he said that he only informed the president, “quite cordially, that the measures he wanted to take should consider several aspects: international and national support, congress, the legal part.”
Several messages exchanged by former president’s assistants during this period also point to the resistance of Freire Gomes, which made him antipatic figure to the scammers.
The most famous of these may be that of the general, who, in a dialogue, guided one of the alleged scammers to “offer his head [Freire Gomes] to the lions “on the internet.
Freire Gomes as an omit for not acting as I should when I heard about the plot? Strategist, by avoiding direct confrontation so as not to be removed and keep as an internal barrier? Shield against rupture, although today modest about your own deeds? The costume is open.
