(Farm) and (environment) are in different positions, but share a peculiar condition. The two veterans were Lula’s personal choices for areas that the president would like to have as showcases in his third term. At the same time, they occupy vulnerable flanks of a government unable to offer armor to the pair.
The permanent process of wear and tear of the two ministers is a symptom of individual weaknesses, but also the result of political circumstances that limit the capacity of action and reaction of the third Lula administration.
The frequent bombing to the Minister of Finance and the long attack aimed at the Minister of the Environment in recent weeks summarize this environment.
Both assumed the position of preferential targets in a government filled with internal divisions and surrounded by allies who hold interests in conflict with the duo’s agendas. In these circles, there are powerful enough to apply series defeats to the two ministers.
Haddad became a frequent attendant of this arena. By sponsoring a spending control agenda, the minister came into a direct conflict with political claims of fellow Esplanada and, in many cases, Lula himself.
The farm minister kept protected the backbone of this platform, but was almost always unable to avoid certain twisters, from the least to the most violent.
The government’s decision to adopt creative financial solutions to support light -bill exemption programs and gas makeup distribution was the repetition of a long internal tension that opposes Haddad to political operators who defend the expansion of measures capable of leveraging Lula’s popularity to the next elections, such as Rui Costa (Casa Civil) and Alexandre Silveira (Minas and Energy).
The constant friend fire led the Finance Minister to seek, in many cases, marked by some isolation dose in the manufacture of economic measures considered more sensitive.
In such circumstances, Haddad maintains his authority, but also assumes almost responsibility for false steps. The turmoil provoked by the edition of the decree that increased the partially revoked IOF can be considered an example of this situation.
In the middle of the field, there is a president with insufficient energy to devote himself to the protection of key pieces of his government. The stability of Haddad’s agenda may be an asset for Lula, but the president also has his own political survival in view, in a closer horizon.
The drop in popularity, the threat to reelection and the proximity of the dispute made the president’s calculations more immediate in the arbitration of internal disputes involving Haddad. The adoption of policies that may be on the petista’s electoral program next year become priorities.
Part of these elements also explains a. The seemingly unshakable advance of the process of release of oil exploration on the equatorial margin is a sample that, in the name of large economic projects, the government is able to walk against the minister and arms data with strong allies such as the president of, (-AP)
In recent days, this alliance has left Marina on the way to a tractor, piloted by alcohumbre, who approved the. Increasingly dependent on the senator, in the midst of the hostility faced in the ruling base, Lula’s team was not even able to reinforce the minister’s lines of defense.
The president was left with Marina after she was at the session on Tuesday (27) of the Environment Commission. Lula and his assistants supported the minister without power, at least so far, change position in the merit clashes.
