“I went to Minister Zé Dirceu, early 2004, and told: ‘There is this story of. Some deputies are charging me. And I won’t catch.’
The then deputy’s statements in an interview with SheetIn June 2005, it was the starting point of one of the country’s largest political scandals, which shook the first government of impacted the judiciary and now turns 20.
An illegal scheme of political financing aimed at corrupting parliamentarians and ensuring support to the first term of the then president (2003-2006).
Lula was not formally accused in the case, but suffered great political wear and tear to the point of doubt his conditions to obtain reelection in 2006. He lost first -time allies, such as Dirceu, and had to remodular his government. He eventually won the presidential dispute with 61% of the votes in the second round, compared to 39%, then on the PSDB.
The case was trial in the (Federal Supreme Court) in 2012 and was completed with 24 convicted defendants.
Remember the accusations and the main political developments:
To interview
Backed by accusations of the post office involving people linked to his party, Federal Deputy Roberto Jefferson, then PTB president, one of the Lula government’s allies at the time,
“Roberto Jefferson fulfilled the promise he would speak. And he spoke a lot. In an exclusive interview Sheetthe president of the PTB said that at the base of the difficulties the government faces in Congress are problems with the so -called monthly, a allowance of $ 30,000 that would be distributed to congressmen allied by the PT treasurer, Delúbio Soares, “said the beginning of the report signed by journalist Renata Lo Prete.
Among other points, Jefferson said that deputies of and then government allies received the bribe and rejected offer to integrate the scheme.
He said he warned ministers such as (Civil House) and (farm), besides Lula himself. “It’s cheaper to pay the mercenary army than to share power. It’s easier to rent a deputy than to discuss a government project.”
CPIs, testimonials and investigations
The statements caused a strong political repercussion in Brasilia. A CPI over the post office became the scene of almost daily testimonials about the case.
One of the names that came up after Jefferson’s interview was that of businessman Marcos Valério, who owned advertising agencies in Minas Gerais and was appointed by the PTB deputy as a scheme operator.
Subsequently, his former secretary, Fernanda Karina, sets out accusing Valerio to make cash payments for deputies.
Investigations and reports deepened the details, showing people linked to parliamentarians to a Rural Bank branch to withdraw money.
Dirceu’s resignation
A key moment of the case occurred two weeks after the interview, with the resignation of the strong man of the government, José Dirceu. Lula’s right arm since the victorious 2002 campaign, he left the post pressured by Jefferson’s accusations.
“I have clean hands,” he said in a speech.
The departure of its main assistant reconfigured the government. The former head of the Civil House was seen as the president’s main counselor and even quoted to be his successor. For its place, the so far known minister of Mines and Energy was named after ,.
Weeks later, the then PT president, José Genoino, also fell. He left the post amid the revelation that Valerio had been a lengthy party lending.
Shortly before, Delúbio moved away from the direction of the subtitle. In CPI, he attributed the financial flow to Caixa two electoral.
Dirceu was overwhelmed at, as was Jefferson, still in 2005.
Lula pressure
The height of the crisis occurred in August 2005. Responsible for the 2002 PT presidential campaign, marketer Duda Mendonça was willing to speak of CPI after his partner was called.
He said he had received two cash payment abroad and also through Marcos Valério.
PT veterans, such as deputies Chico Alencar and Ivan Valente, left the party soon after.
The opposition began to talk about the possibility of Lula’s impeachment, and the president decided to make a statement about the case.
“I feel betrayed. Betrayed by unacceptable practices of which I was never aware,”
The petista articulated a political reaction. It expanded its political agreements, strengthening the allied base in Congress. The pressure was gradually decreasing and he recovered in the polls for 2006.
The theme, however, became almost a taboo. deepen the subject in interviews and never named who would have been betrayed.
Years later, he changed his tone and even classified the political crisis lived as a “coup attempt.”
The complaint of the Attorney General
Then Attorney General Antonio Fernando Souza filed a complaint (formal accusation) on the case in March 2006.
The play attributed command role to José Dirceu and cited that Marcos Valério’s scheme had already been used in 1998.
The prosecution stated that politicians linked to PL, PP and PTB – charged to the PT – received money in exchange for support for the Lula administration.
Also according to the complaint, Banco Rural fueled the scheme lending funds to the PT and agencies of Marcos Valério. Another source was money diverted from Banco do Brasil.
Among the accused were Delúbio, Duda Mendonça and parliamentarians, such as (PT-SP), Pedro Henry (PP-MT) and Bishop Rodrigues (PL-RJ).
According to the Attorney General, the scheme was divided into the political (led by Dirceu), operational (from Marcos Valério) and financial (composed of leaders of Banco Rural).
Rural leaders were accused of supporting the scheme, allowing politicians to get money without identifying and transferring part of the resources abroad.
Judgment and controversies
The complaint was accepted in 2007 at the Supreme Court, and the trial actually started in 2012 only. There were 53 plenary sessions over four months to the final result, with television on TV Justice and other networks.
The case marked an epoch in the Supreme, for its unprecedented and repercussion. The rapporteur Joaquim Barbosa, with hard votes, was exalted by PT opponents and the right -handed electorate.
The long months of judgment were surrounded by legal controversies. Starting with the conflicting relationship between the rapporteur and the case reviewer, who voted for milder penalties or acquittal.
Early on, Barbosa accused his colleague “disloyalty” for agreeing with the request for a defense.
At the appeals trial in 2013, the rapporteur said the colleague did “Chicana”. “I ask you to portray you immediately,” Lewandowski said.
Another controversy was the participation in the judgment of Dias Toffoli, who had been a lawyer for the PT and subordinate of Dirceu at the Federal Civil House.
At the time of the definition of convictions, there were also many questions with the so -called fact theory of fact, used in the legal environment to punish the leader of an organization for knowledge of crimes.
The theory was used to condemn Dirceu. He always said he was punished without proof and still accused the minister of having “morally harassed” before entering the court in search of appointment to the court.
The defenses also questioned the fact that the trial occurs in the Supreme Court, as almost all defendants had no more special forum.
Outcome
Of the 40 accused, 24 had the conviction confirmed. Appeals were presented, and the fulfillment of the penalties only started a year after the 2012 trial.
Joaquim Barbosa ordered convicted on the proclamation holiday of the Republic of 2013. Dirceu and Genoino surrendered to the headquarters of the PF in São Paulo making a cerrado fist gesture.
One of the defendants, former Banco do Brasil director Henrique Pizzolato, fled to Italy, but was extradited after two years.
In 2016, part of the convicts, Christmas that had been granted by the then President Dilma.
Valdemar and Jefferson returned, respectively, to the command of the PL and the PTB later, becoming allies of the Jair Bolsonaro government.
The former PTB leader today is under house arrest and responds to a lawsuit for shooting federal police in 2022.
From 2014, links from the monthly scandal were addressed in the investigations and allegations of the. In the first phase launched, the convict Enivaldo Quadrado, former partner of a brokerage involved in the monthly.
The former PP-PR deputy who died in 2010 had been denounced in the monthly and was the closest politician of the moneymaker, Lava Jato pivot and one of his first whistleblowers.
The former deputy for PP-PE Pedro Corrêa was another arrested and convicted in both the operation triggered in Curitiba and in the case revealed in 2005. He said in 2016, as the two dealt with purchase of parliamentarians for support for the government.
