Unsurprisingly, the pocket opposition seeks to associate the Workers Party with criminal organizations such as Oeo Comando Vermelho (CV). This May, this effort gained a new breath with two episodes that, although distinct, were articulated as part of the same narrative: the movement of the United States government to and, weeks later, a.
In real -time monitoring by Palver, in more than 100,000 public groups of WhatsApp and Telegram, it was observed that the narrative began to gain body in February 2025, with the councilwoman of São Paulo Amanda Vettorazzo (União Brasil) and replicated in other capitals.
The project prohibits hiring artists who apologize for drug use and organized crime at events promoted by the government. Since then, it is possible to notice a gradual increase in discussions that associate with organized and left crime.
The volume of mentions associating with the Red Command reached its first big peak on May 8, when the news came to light that the United States considered it formally include the Red Command and the CCP on the list of terrorist organizations.
The most structured piece of this campaign was a video of federal deputy Kim Kataguiri (União Brasil-SP), who synthesized the narrative: “This is the most severe scandal of the Lula administration so far,” he said, directly associating the Red Command and the CCP.
Kataguiri rescued recent episodes, such as the meeting of – that had already represented leaders of the Red Command and the CCP – with the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, paid with public funds. The video concluded with a call to impeachment of President Lula: “I filed Lula’s impeachment request for responsibility.”
The next episode that catalyzed the narrative construction was the arrest of the squeegee, which took place on May 29, in Rio de Janeiro. The singer was arrested on suspicion of. The arrest was quickly incorporated into the narrative in messenger groups, which began to associate MC Poze – and, by extension, the universe of funk and peripheral culture – to the criminal faction and the PT.
In WhatsApp groups and right -wing profiles on social networks, they circulated content that the artist is affiliated with the Workers Party, reinforcing the already old argument that the president would have a structural connection with organized crime.
The artist Oruam was also one of the main outbreaks of attack on social networks. A sequence of videos, with strong emotional appeal and aggressiveness, spread quickly. One of them showed federal deputy Sergeant Fahur (PSD-PR) calling Oruam “tramp” and defending his arrest with violent terms: “goal this tramp in jail, besides being defending a bandit arrested, also apologizes to crime with his trash songs.”
Another viral content was an openly racist video that ridiculed young black people from the favela as “contemporary neanderthals” by condemning the arrest of MC Poze. The video reinforced the idea that artists such as Oruam, and MC Cabelinho would all be in the sights of justice by calls with the crime.
This articulated set of messages, videos and memes formed a perfect storm. The strategy is typical of contemporary misinformation operations: creating a chain of indirect associations, promoting widespread suspicion, even without any concrete proof of bond between the parties.
The episode shows how digital opposition operates: appropriating events of strong media appeal, reinterpreting them within a pre-existing narrative and thus reinforcing systematic campaigns of crime, prejudice and misinformation. More than an isolated case, it demonstrates how the Brazilian digital environment remains vulnerable to campaigns that mix politics, crime and culture, contaminating public debate with suspicions planted and difficult to undo.
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