It was only authoritarian, autocratic and autarchic, the magistocracy would not stress so many primary emotions. If alone, repressing judicial independence and rejecting control would draw less attention. But I also wanted to dedicate themselves to the illegal extractivism of the public budget, a kind of grabbing. Its Rentist face can bother until our unparalleled sensitivity.
Magistocrats are not the only land grabbers in the Brazilian state. Parliamentarians, parties and business sectors adopt budget grabbing techniques. The magistocracy only does so legally rocambolesque. Practice institutional corruption. Without dispenseing the legalistic finish.
The magistocracy tries to display selflessness and suffering, courage and competence. Where we see corruption, the magistocracy asks us to see virtue and merit. Where we see cynicism, it points honor to merit. And defines what is “cool” at the end. Their equity ambitions are legalized in a pen pass. Not in democratic politics, but to closed doors.
The artifice of institutional corruption has three tricks: 1) multiply “aid” improperly classified as “indemnities” not only to exempt from taxes but break the ceiling; 2) make them retroactive to an invented period (and thus receive in the present the accumulated of a legally manufactured past); 3) Protect vacation of two months, in addition to recess, to be sold, not enjoyed; Create days off for working days, and thus make it possible to sell, not enjoy, days off.
The news of the week is that the “PL of supersalaries in pendurichers” and “retroactive judiciary from January 2018 to April 2025”.
UOL’s series summarizes the last year:
“Nine out of 10 judges in Brazil won more than the STF ministers in 2024”; “Hang out makes the judiciary elite 35% of tax income”; “Judges already earn more in hangers and additional than with salary”; “Return of privilege extinct two decades ago makes judges earn $ 1 million.” “Advantages to Retired Judges of the TJ-SP risen 1,488% in 5 years”; “The 36 thousand supersalaries are just a part of the total.”
It is jarpornography with public money, but there is also private money. The repertoire includes privileges to lawyer relatives, conversion of constitutional permission to “teaching” in paid lectures and lobby events. And there is still the way of judicial harassment: in the face of criticism, they process civilly to obtain compensation and criminally to threaten prison and generate silencing. After all, judicial honor is the most valuable good in the confused market of freedom of expression, managed by judges.
Institutional corruption is radiographed, explained and disclosed. There is no more to ascertain about the logic of operation, only about new occurrences. By duty of office, journalism needs to continue.
There is no shortage of information, lack action. The action needs to understand the reasons for inertia and blockade. And illuminate the forms of complicity and intimidation of actors from within and outside the justice system. Journalism could help to appoint operators, not threatened with retaliation. And the dismissal reporter.
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