Since 2020 I was able to cover 3 regions in conflict, but Syria remained a special place because it was the humanitarian tragedy of this century that I followed the most as a spectator, even before entering the profession
Since 2011, has become one of the most violent nations in the world. After Arab spring placed millions on the streets against dictatorial governments in North Africa and civil wars broke out throughout the region. The Assad family dictatorship was about to turn 40 when peaceful protesters turned into armed rebels and the bankruptcy state of the Syrian economy made room for their corners to become a battlefield of great powers and terrorist groups.
For those who like geopolitics and follow the news, Alepo’s bombings, the monstrous executions of the Islamic State and the Syrian refugee crisis in Europe have become everyday images of the 2010s. This harsh reality found through television always urged my journalistic curiosity to cover events in conflict zones. Being able to tell the story of those voiceless and give a face to those merely treated as numbers by headlines is the call of war correspondents. Since 2020 I was able to cover 3 regions in conflict, but Syria always remained a special place because it was the humanitarian tragedy of this century that I followed most as a spectator, even before entering the profession.
The last days of 2024 were surprising to everyone who imagined Bashar al-Assad had been able to ensure their control in large urban centers in Syria. In fact, the former dictator had the territorial rule of Damascus, Homs, Alepo and Latakia, but the sustaining pillars of his army began to crumble in Moscow and Beirut. Russia’s air support was fundamental for the resumption of many cities by the Syrian government during the years 2014 onwards.
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Similarly, Assad’s alliance with Hezbollah guaranteed him strategic and numerical superiority in many regions of the country against the various rebel armed arms. The huge spending to Kremlin to fight in Ukraine have made Syria, once a priority in Russian foreign policy, an incompatible expenditure of staying in times of war. Similarly, Hezbollah’s Lebanese fundamentalists in their latest conflict with Israel have lost not only their main leaders, but a substantive part of their military apparatus.
Assad without a robust rear was weaker than ever. Strongly helped by Türkiye, also the fundamentalists of the HTS group (Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham) began a surprise offensive from Idlib, winning Alepo, dominating the main North-South highway to Hama and then arriving in Damascus. The resistance of Assad’s forces was equally proportional to the bravery of the former dictator, who was already on the run in Russia within hours. Initially the leadership of an Islamic radical group generated great discomfort to the international community, which rejected Bashar al-Assad, but feared another Islamic theocratic government in the molds of Iran or even Afghanistan.
Former terrorist Mohammad Al-Julani, abandoned on war name and military costumes, dressed a suit and tie, and re-introduced to the world as Ahmed Al-Sharaa, the interim president of a transitional Syria. His attempt to talk to old Syria disaffected, including the United States, showed initial good faith, but considering the enormous instability of all nations of the Middle East, it may be too early to be sure of his intentions.
The sudden fall in Syria came with great changes. In the past visiting the country was not so simple for a conventional tourist, but particularly complex for an international journalist or correspondent. Assad’s infallibility proposed by his military forces transformed the work of any member of the Western press into a homerical task into times of civil war. For a long time, precisely for these reasons, the old dream of walking around the country fell asleep. However, in another unexpected maneuver, but consequent with the search to show moderation, the new interim government has abolished the need for visas for dozens of nations, including for Brazilian citizens.
Coverage in conflict zones is made of opportunities windows. When a region marked by violence and civil war undergoes unexpected pacification process, the window opens and the onlookers cannot miss the chance. The exactly what I did, wielding our red and blue microphone and crossing the land border between Jordan and Syria after 13 years of war.
While the new white, white three red-starred flags are already welcoming visitors, the border control post only corroborates that a newly sworn transition government is in Damascus. Non -uniform men, with jeans, t -shirts and caps make control of passports in a improvised way, but with good will. I was wearing the same Idumentary and could easily be confused with one of them. Without many questions, without major bureaucratic proceedings I received the stamp in my passport and entered one of the oldest countries in the world, but known for the worst reasons in recent years.
On the horizon the typical aridity of the region mingled with the joy of the bus passengers, many of whom were Syrians and who first returned to their homeland in almost a decade. Uncertainty is evident in the projections of all analysts, but the optimism of places is easy to observe. The arrival was simpler than expected, but it was only the beginning of a journey through the millennial and traumatic history of such a fascinating nation.
*This text does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the young Pan.
