Every successful coup of state seems to witness the strategic intelligence of its leaders and their ability to plan it in detail and to take advantage of the right time to break it. Every attempted failed blow resembles its preparations for tavern conversations and its realization to a badly rehearsed pantomime and staged by parliapaths.
This must be the inescapable feeling of those who have followed the testimonials to the first class of the seven defendants of the 2,668 criminal action. As is well known, it investigates the responsibilities of the central core of the coup plot headed by to prevent Lula’s inauguration in the October 2022 elections.
The indictment last April placed the former president on the long list of 20 Latin American former political flags of different political flags, which were accused of office committed crimes, in the nearly 40 years when democracy has become the predominant form of political organization in the region. Since 1984, at least ten of them have been convicted and have served or fulfilled a sentence; Ten others await trial. Most respond or respond for crimes associated with corruption or embezzlement practices. Some for abuses against human rights.
The high number of former presidents brought to justice attests to the growing importance of corruption in the political dispute throughout the region. And in some countries it seems to be a symptom of instability and wear of the democratic system before its citizens. This is the case of Peru, where five heads of the executive faced lawsuits at the end of their mandates.
This is not what happens here. Bolsonaro’s trial and six other defendants, including four high -ranking military, attests to the existence of legal framework able to protect democracy against scammers, anchored in the existence of public leaders, a strong political system and a close civil society. The exposure of crimes against the rule of law either creates noise in public opinion.
In an article in The State of S. Paulo on Monday (9), Professor Carlos Pereira, from the Getúlio Vargas Foundation, drew attention to a recent study of bristle, Laterzo-Treley & Venegas (2025), newly published in APSA-PREPINTS, which deals with the impact of criminal proceedings against public support on democracy. They showed that the former president’s indictment increased support for the democratic regime among voters who did not vote for the former captain, but did not change his opinion-from the pockets about the system. That is, judging Jair for the attempt to blow does not wear out democracy in the eyes of Brazilians.
The study also suggests that the positive effect, found among those who guaranteed the defeat of the former president, tends to disappear rapidly.
Important in itself, by demonstrating the ability of the democratic system to deal with those who threaten it, the result of the judgment will influence the electoral decisions of the right -wing forces that occupy the field of antipetism. However, the defense of democracy will not be sufficient to boost the center-left candidacy and support a progressive electoral coalition with chances of success.
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