The former president () used the 1964 in the (Supreme Court) as an argument to deny the 2022 coup attempt that would have led to nullify the elections and prevent the possession of (PT).
The politician, who admits having talked to military heads about the possibilities after the electoral defeat, also mobilized narrative that relativizes the period and has already been defended by him in legislative proposals from when he was a federal deputy.
In testimony to the minister, who the left calls a coup to this day “and stressed the support of sectors of society to the democratic rupture that occurred at the time.
This would be, for the former president, an argument to talk about the impossibility of calling their movement with the military at the end of 2022 as an attempt to blow.
Bolsonaro’s line of reasoning, already explained in interviews, is that there would be no “climate” or sufficient support for a scam today, since such a break would need the support of society to happen and then.
In the process of the coup plot, Bolsonaro is charged with the crimes of coup, attempted abolition of the Democratic Rule of Law, armed criminal association, damage qualified to public assets and deterioration of listed heritage.
If convicted, it can take more than 40 years in prison and increase its ineligibility, which currently runs until 2030.
Bolsonaro’s speech about his interrogation in the Supreme Court recovers a line of common reasoning in the military that tries to justify the establishment of the regime: the notion that the armed forces would have, at the time, only acted as “translators” of national will and “saving” of the nation in the face of a possibility of “dictatorship of the proletariat” that could occur in Brazil of the time.
This idea has already been defended by him in legislative proposals of the time he worked for 27 years as a federal deputy, as in Bill 8246, 2014, in which the parliamentarian proposed the creation of an alternative CNV (National Truth Commission) to tell the “other side” of military perpetrators during the dictatorship.
In order to create “the Truth Commission (CV) within the Civil House of the Presidency of the Republic”, the project spoke of “clarifying facts and serious human rights violations” not evaluated by CNV, which found violations of rights that occurred from 1946 to 1988.
The commission was completed in 2014 under the government of (PT).
In the document, the then deputy proposes the investigation of episodes on armed left organizations, mobilizing a rhetoric that attempts to equate the violence of militants to that of the Brazilian state and disregards investigations, convictions and deaths that hit the group.
He also asks for the investigation of the episode often explored by PT opponents trying to turn on the case, without evidence, Lula.
In the justification to investigate facts already discussed by scholars about the military regime, Bolsonaro talks about the possibility of establishing at the time of a “dictatorship of the proletariat”, in a negotiating narrative that despises the facts of the time, says Caroline Silveira Bauer, professor of the UFRGS Department of History (Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul) and a member of Lup (laboratory of studies on the political uses of the past).
According to the scholar, it is consensus on historiography that there was no left guerrilla actions in Brazil at that time. She also calls “misconception” and “falseing of reality” Bolsonaro’s attempt to try to compare the 1964 and 2022 scenarios to indicate that he and allies would not have tried a blow.
In a 2013 legislative proposal, Bolsonaro also repeated the idea that the Armed Forces instituted the dictatorial regime to combat “armed groups that tried to force a communist socialist system in our territory.”
This time, in an application for the installation of a “special subcommittee for the defense of the history of the Armed Forces in the formation of the Brazilian State”.
In another legislative proposal, from 2004, he submitted an application to the House asking for a solemn session in honor of the “brave and military heroic” killed in the Araguaia Guerrilla (1972-74).
In the proposal, Bolsonaro states that the “vast majority” of the guerrilla’s creators were alive and “without any sequel”, minimizing the violence of the Armed Forces, a negative narrative also contested by historiography and the CNV report, says Bauer.
A Sheet At the time, the solemn session, held in June 2005, registered at the time. Alongside his son Flávio, then state deputy in Rio, and attacked the then president of the PT, José Genoino, and the Lula government.
Caroline Silveira Bauer identifies in proposals elements of reactivity – all occurred in years when the discussion about the dictatorship was on the agenda – and some resentment about the role given to military in national history.
“Negationism relates to this idea of not accepting a reality,” says Bauer.
“Bolsonaro did not accept that the left has already been tried and convicted. Therefore, he asks for another commission [CNV]. He did not accept that there were dead in Araguaia and that these deaths were human rights violations, so he asks for a tribute session to the military, “he says.
