In this series of passive-acute attitudes between the three powers-he is cut of executive spending, supersalars of the judiciary and increased chairs in the legislature-, there is evidence in the form of an unpaid covenant: none of them interfere with the corporate and/or ideological interests of the other.
Parliament raises expenses, the government proposes, but does not effectively work for the end of the privileges of magistrates, and the Federal Supreme Court precludes that it is not with it, alluding, when appropriate, to the principle of non -interference.
There is a clear parallel to be drawn between the August 2024 meeting, when representatives of these instances announced an understanding to regularize the use of amendments, and the June 2025 meeting, which proclaimed a “historical” agreement for the referral of the decree to increase.
None of these hits progressed and the signatories were disagreed with the failure of the negotiations. He felt betrayed by the insistence of Congress not to meet transparency in the management of budget resources, remaining indifferent to the fulfillment of the Constitution.
Ahead, in the overthrow of the decree on financial operations, the Finance Minister continued to say that he did not understand what happened to () and () have changed his mind and led the imposition of defeats to the Plateau.
The reason is simple: in both cases, in amendments and IOF, there was a precipitation, a superb – to not say ingenuity – to take into account the absence of agreement of the collegiate to which the presidents of the House and owe satisfaction.
Haddad and the president (PT) are great enough to know that there are no possible agreements without the endorsement of deputies and senators who almost unanimously put the bosses in positions that make them powerful, with an army of almost 400 against less than 100 soldiers in the struggle for power.
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