The president of Chile, Gabriel Boric (in the center), together with citizens of the Mapuche communities. / Chile I EFE Presidency
Gabriel Boricthe young president from the student movement of the previous decade, assumed his government by embodying the drive for the change expressed during and auged by The rejection of the Pinochetist ultra -right that had triumphed in the first round of the presidential election. But already in its first year, the government showed that its line, facing the Mapuche questionit would be the Continuum of domination of the Chilean State over indigenous peoples. In fact, its period has been marked by the struggles of these peoples to open spaces for political participation, integrate political and institutional processes, the delivery of concrete proposals, racist attacks, militarization of territories and the everlasting disappointment due to the lack of results.
To understand the policies implemented from the State during the Gabriel Boric governmentit is necessary to deepen three fundamental points: The defeat of the Constitutional Convention and its consequences; he Good Living Plan and the Exception status maintenance; And finally, the establishment of the Commission for Peace and Understanding.
First, the loud defeat at the polls of the constitutional proposal prepared between 2021 y 2022 by the Constitutional Convention. The process had begun with the illusion of inclusion, for the first time, Stars reserved for indigenous people (7 Mapuche)its first president was Elisa LonconMapuche leader, and the draft included many long -term demands from indigenous peoples. But the illusion resulted in disappointment after defeat by a wide margin in the plebiscite of September 2022being also the indigenous proposals, in particular the Plurinationalityindicated as the great responsible for the defeat.
This was interpreted from the right as a Chilean cluster to Mapuche demandswith clear consequences regarding the presence and influence of the indigenous movement, both in the streets and in the Further constitutional process of 2023where there was only one indigenous representative, who later resigned. This second process coincided with a Increase in right support and extreme right in surveyswith the demonization of Mapuche demands and the normalization of racist and xenophobic discourseespecially in social networks, of which the former president of the Convention, Elisa Loncon, was the main victim.
This context hit the left and Chilean social movements and organizations, but above all to the government, who lost control of the agenda. Boric He had come to power supporting territorial reparation measures and collective rights of the Mapuche, criticizing, in turn, the use of the state of exception in the area by the government of Sebastián Piñera.
Although the incoming government did not renew the state of exception, a few months after assuming Boric He implemented it again arguing the Increase in incendiary attacks. In practice, it is about militarization of the area with the presence of police, military, the Navy and the patrol of aviation to control the territory. Acts of violence have decreased, but the area has been (practically the entire Puerto Ric period) under military control for more than three years. In this way, the government is resorting to the same resource that has been used since the invasion of these territories: repression and coercion. The state of exception has been renewed more than 50 times.
From 2022he Boric government implemented what has been baptized “Good Living Plan”, In reference to the concept of the indigenous worldview, but in this case it refers to a public policy plan in the middle of the state of emergency. The plan includes the road constructionhe Access to drinking water, Investment in infrastructure for communities and Territorial dialogue.
Nine months after finishing the Boric governmentthe Report of the Commission for Peace and Understanding created in 2023 with the objective of find medium and long term solutions to . The instance was made up of eight members, including long -distance Mapuche representatives in the movement and politicians such as Francisco Huenchumilla (Senator) and Adolfo Millabur (Ex Conventional).
Among the 21 Report recommendations Already everlasting promises such as the Constitutional recognitionthe Language revitalization o political representationor other new ones such as Repair of all victims of violence. These measures were backed by seven of the eight members of the Commission, with the particularity that one of the positive votes was from a member of the Republican Party (extreme right) who accused pressures of his party to reject the report. As a consequence, he had to give up his party.
The recommendations have been received in moderation and caution because they raise historical demands such as taking charge of the appropriation of the land by the State, Genesis of the conflict. And, over the last decades, many instances have generated the illusion of ending the conflict, but they have finally been parked in some desk. In addition, many of these recommendations must follow their due legislative process which ends depending on the electoral calendar.
Nine months from the end of the mandate seems illusory to think that these initiatives will be able to specify, especially considering that it is very likely that the Pinochetist right will be imposed on the next elections. In this framework, even the Commission’s own name: by the “Peace and understanding”, In a militarized territory it seems ironic.
Therefore, we can say that The policies implemented during the Boric government with respect to the Mapuche represent more a continuity with the previous governments, than a real attempt to end the conflict.
*This text was originally published on the website
