Trump’s international offensive against it gave new breath of pockets, which again led the spontaneous debate in the groups of.
In the political debate that takes place in the 100,000 groups of WhatsApp monitored by Palver, it is possible to distinguish two very different movements: that of viral messages – those that spread with the label “sent frequently” – and that of organic conversations, composed of comments, replicas and real exchanges among users. The first shows what viralizes; the second, which is actually debated.
In recent weeks, the ruling field had been ahead of organic conversations. Since AI videos that began to mock criticism of “BBB taxation” in a 60-40 ratio. The right was continuing to control the volume of viral messages – as it always did – but lost strength in direct dialogue between people. Not even the decision, at the beginning of the month, to impose 50% tariffs on Brazilian products managed to reverse this picture. Although celebrated in Bolsonarist videos, these actions were not enough to rekindle the engagement of the base in the organic field.
But the scenario changed from July 18. That was when the government and revoked its entry visas in response to what called civil rights violations. The measure was rapidly incorporated into the scholarship narrative as an international seal to the “toga dictatorship” thesis. From then on, Bolsonaro’s support base again mobilized more strongly. And for the first time since the beginning of the month the right has also led the organic debate.
Data collected on the 18th and 19th show that 75.7% of viral messages attack the STF, especially Alexandre de Moraes. In spontaneous conversations between users, 53% also criticized the Supreme. What seems to have happened is that the sanctions imposed on the STF ministers rekindled the narrative of “political persecution,” now reinforced by accusations of authoritarianism, censorship and international isolation. Congress is called coward. Brazilian army generals are accused of betrayal. And once again, requests from “civic-military solution” and closure of institutions arise. The aesthetics of the revolt returned with great indignation, appeals to violence and veiled threats. Trump’s movements against the Supreme Ministers gave an additional motivation to the pockets. “Trump did what Brazilians didn’t have the courage to do,” some messages say.
Still, there was reaction from the other side. The “pro-STF” base remained active, although in less volume. Deboche videos, memes celebrating the “pen” of Moraes and even satirical processions with anklets circulated among the groups. Phrases such as “works from Sunday to Sunday” and “It’s getting hot” have turned the punishment into a show, although there is no coordinated strategy that can direct the narrative.
In this context, the anklet has become a concrete, visual and easily shareable episode. Because the punishment fell on “enemies” and not about the country, Bolsonarism found the emotional fuel it needed to engage in the groups. At the same time, the left has images and videos to try to associate Bolsonaro’s image with the attempted coup and attack on democracy.
The data collected by Palver shows that the government, which was packed, slowed down. And the digital field, which seemed more balanced, tilted back right, which has been able to create an expectation climate with possible new sanctions against Alexandre de Moraes and the other STF ministers. The debate is still open on social networks.
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