The life of (La Victoria, Venezuela, 75 years old) has given a huge turnaround in the last year. The presidential elections on July 28, 2024 granted the majority to the opposition candidacy he headed, according to the voting acts that were made public and those that he never granted legitimacy. Despite the recognition as a winner for something more than a dozen countries in the world, González, of extensive diplomatic trajectory, ended up refugee in an embassy (first in that of the Netherlands, then in that of Spain) and finally exiled in Madrid. From the Spanish capital, the leader, with a serene face but marked by the fluctuations of this journey, leads the efforts to respect the will of Venezuelans at the polls.
González is well known on Madrid Street. “President, president!”, He shouts a deliveryman when he identifies him on the sidewalk. Minutes later, another of his nationals is approaching to greet him and thank him “everything he has done.” The opposition leader outlines a shy smile, gathers the hands to thank the gesture and prepares to follow his path in silence. González confesses that these support samples, after some last months plagued with difficulties, are pure oxygen for their movement.
Ask. What were the July 28 elections for last year?
Answer. These elections were a goal that, obviously, was not achieved because we were not competing with the same rules. With democratic rules, what happened would not have happened. This is a regime that departs from all democratic coexistence and has no brake on anything. We continue in our struggle to recover the popular will that was expressed last July and we will achieve it at any time. Each step is an advance.
P. Do you think there have been advances to recognize that popular will?
R. Of course. When one observes the number of countries that have recognized us, as well as the statements and agreements that have occurred throughout this year, one sees that the international community keeps a clear support for our candidacy. We are competing with a government that has no limits and is increasingly isolated.
P. But inside it does maintain control of the country, beyond international recognition.
R. It is said a lot about the support of the Armed Forces. In all the voting centers that worked in military facilities I won. In all. That is the most reliable proof that they are aware that they already lost the popular legitimacy they had at some point.
P. What is your role as leader of the movement against the Chavista regime? Is it considered a moral figure? A bridge that serves as a link with other countries?
R. Clear. He is a national leader to whom they did everything possible to silence. They did not allow him to appear in the elections and put all the obstacles to his candidacy and won widely. It has had to take refuge and depart. It is not easy, of course. Living in this situation implies having a very strong resilience. And in that we are. Every time I go abroad and I meet a foreign leader or president, what they give you are encouragement, many mood.
P. But there was a time when there seemed to be an international mediation, a group of countries that tried to promote that the results were recognized. That seems to have declined, what happened?
R. The negotiations continue. I think there are many governments that are aware that this was a and that, for that reason, they have stopped recognizing the regime of Nicolás Maduro. We are doing everything we have to do. From outside, I and from within, María Corina, with all the limitations she has.
P. Do you find support in the Spanish government to extend the cause of international recognition?
R. I have interlocution with all the political sectors of Spain, starting with the government. A few days after arriving I had. Then I had two informal conversations, very pleasant, with the chancellor [ministro de Exteriores] Albares And I have visited all the leaders of the political parties of the Congress of Deputies.
P. And that remains, has not been diluted a bit?
R. The support remains, of course. I have been invited to political acts of the parties on different occasions. And President Sánchez saw him in Barcelona in October.
P. That was the last time he spoke with President Sánchez?
R. We also talk in the Dominican Republic and by phone.
P. And what has he told him?
R. He has always been very kind, he has given me support. He told me: “You have freedom here to make all the contacts you want.”
P. The European Union has given it a very broad support, but. Did you expect more?
R. You always have to wait for the best. And we continue working on.
P. How does the recent one that has occurred between Venezuela and the United States evaluated? Is it a regime success or for those who have been free?
R. I think it is a success for those who achieved freedom. The government insists on denying that he had conversations, for example, with Marco Rubio, who was a key actor in negotiations. Now, there are things that are really strange, such as that character ,. How does that man be there? It is very dark and suspicious.
P. What can be behind?
R. I don’t know, but I don’t think it’s a naive. That has to have an explanation, because someone who has those background …
P. Do not consider that a negative precedent of the use of prisoners as a currency can sit?
R. That is what the government has done, having hostages as a currency. They also have what has been called the rotating door: they release 10 and immediately put prisoners at 15.
P. The issue of political prisoners touches you personally. What knows about?
R. We have not had a single word by the authorities. What we know is for comments from people who have seen him in El Rodeo, where he is in prison. My daughter has gone there. “It is not here.” That is the answer. He goes regularly, every week and they say: “No, it is not here.” That is a form of torture too. He is almost nine months without seeing it.
P. It is a way to intimidate you politically.
R. Of course. It is a particularly directed action towards me, to break.
P. What do you think of migrants, many of them Venezuelans and with the roles in order?
R. It is a very difficult dilemma to accept. There may be people who have had issues with justice. But most of them are workers who have contributed to the progress of the region, who have been living there for many years, who have joined American society. But many honest people will have to return and try to rebuild their lives.
P. And Marco Rubio can be an interlocutor there?
R. It has been in the past. We have had conversations with him about that and other issues. He has always been someone very willing and very understanding with the issue of Venezuelans.
P. Would you meet Trump?
R. If you propose, I don’t see why not.
P. Venezuela celebrates new municipal elections this Sunday. Does it make sense to participate again in the elections?
R. We agree not to participate because they are not free or fair or transparent elections. It is practically an arrangement that the government has made to clean up and sell as a democratic government.
P. CLOSED THE BRASS WAY, WHAT OPTIONS ARE?
R. Keep fighting. This is a fight against evil. It is very unbalanced because whoever has all the tools at hand, who is in power, uses them without any repair. And use them in every way, from moral issues to break, to materials, how to send us to imprison.
P. Is it a battle that should be given in the streets?
R. It has been given. In the past we have fought in the streets, but we are willing to give that civic battle for the channels that impose the rules of democracy.
P. After all the pressure to which you have already subjected your family, would you apply again as a candidate?
R. Well, that will be decided by the popular mandate, but I am committed and I go until the end, until we manage to recover freedom and democracy in Venezuela.
P. Don’t you regret it?
R. At all. I would do it again with the same force. Even more.
