The arrest of (-SP) is a tense chapter for the history of pockets, which had in the federal deputy a big fish from the rise of the group to power to its excommunication.
Its detention in, a country ruled by a directorate who reneged radicalism, signals the narrowing of the ground around the deputy (PL-SP).
Now commanding us the campaign against the Brazilian economy in the name of saving father Jair da Cada, which so far only worked in the first proposition, Eduardo has not yet had a request for arrest issued – but you know, and already said that, that it may have.
These are quite diverse legal and political cases, however. The Federal Supreme Court sees in the former president’s son an active agent against national sovereignty, the old traitor of the homeland.
But he has political receptivity in the country in which he undertakes his crusade, with the speech of witch hunts while promising a tariff against Brazil for Friday (1st).
In the event that the Supreme Court decree, Brazil will ask Interpol, a global police cooperation body, which is chaired today by a Brazilian, the so -called red diffusion – a request for authorities who make up the entity to help, stop and extradite the accused.
Here things get complicated. The red diffusion is not mandatory, to start, so it would be good for the state department of Secretary Marco Rubio,
The agency may even be triggered by the Democratic opposition, but the chance to continue the request, which would imply request an arrest warrant from a federal judge, seems null today. There are technical details, such as the need for the crime to be typified in both countries and to be able to lead to jail for more than a year to ensure extradition under the 1964 bilateral treaty.
As it turns out, Zambelli had none of these advantages, as it were. First of all, it is one for the hacker invasion of the judiciary. In addition, he had in his glue the Italian deputy Angelo Bonelli and even passed the Roman address of the deputy to the police.
Finally, his escape was a humiliation to, who sought to act quickly and, by yes, not imposed precautionary measures to prevent Jair from escaping.
That said, Eduardo can have limited movements beyond the PIX blockade that helped put in Trump’s target. It would have difficulty moving around. And Italy de Meloni was seen as a perhaps safe port for populists.
It would now remain ostensibly, in Europe, the self -enhanced Iliberal democracy of Viktor Orbán in and, perhaps, some neighbor like Robert Fico’s Slovakia. Or, closer, El Salvador of Filobolonist Nayib Bukele.
They are conjectures yet. Zambelli’s arrest may not affect the hard core of pockets, broken with her since she attributed to the deputy in Jardins (SP) on the eve of the second round of 2022 some tenth precious to Jair in the defeat to (PT).
For movement as a whole, it is symbolic. The deputy was a scholarship before the term was commonplace, when her movement on the streets played organizational role in the demonstrations for the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff (PT) in 2016.
He lived in turras with other exponents of that most radicalized right, but fell in favor of the Bolsonaro. The zenite of its relative power occurred in 2020, with the then head of the National Force, Agildo Oliveira, with the then minister as Godfather.
From then on, he remained in evidence in increasingly embarrassing episodes, until the escape. His final fall, after trying as Eduardo, throws shadows about the future of this strategy that seems common to who he was or is a pocketist.
