It is part of a history of changes in the legislation of white collar crimes led since 2016 by the group, which in those years also barred proposals aimed at hardening the rules.
If in recent years the movement of the block, majority in the House and in the reaction to Lava Jato, now the target is the parliamentary amendments.
Agreement sewn by the former mayor (-Al) and pockets now provides to end the privileged forum of authorities in the Federal Supreme Court and resume the requirement of prior authorization of the Legislature for congressmen being criminally prosecuted, which was overthrown by Congress himself in 2001.
The project – which has not yet been public and is being consolidated by the leader of the PP bench, Doctor Luizinho (RJ) – has as its main motivation the investigations conducted in the STF about suspicions of the destination of the billionaires parliamentary amendments.
Only in February were more than 80, STF minister responsible for several of these investigations.
Based on popular pressure derived from scandals such as the dos, in the 1990s, the DO, in 2005, in 2006, in addition to the 2013 protests, the country gradually established a series of rules that form the backbone of white collar crimes legislation.
Among others, A (8.429/92), which penalizes in the civil area public agents involved in deviations, A (9.613/1998), which created the Coaf (Financial Activities Control Board), (135/2010), which bares candidates of politicians with problems in court, and to whom the greater guarantee of judicial benefits in exchange for information.
From 2014, Brazil began to shake the political foundations of Brazil anchoring in part of these laws. The repercussion of corruption cases involving Petrobras, contractors and politicians hit politicians from left to right.
Still in 2016, at the height of the operation’s prestige, left -wing, center and right parties in the House articulated to apply the first major defeat to the Lava Jato symbols, the then head of the prosecutors’ task force, and the then judge of the operation, Sergio Moro.
In a vote at dawn, the task force flag. Supported in the signing of more than 2 million voters, it aimed to harden the rules, but also suffered criticism from experts.
“It is being decimated [o pacote]. The way the ten measures are going to be half a measure, “lamented at the end of that dawn the then rapporteur of the proposal, Onyx Lorenzoni, who would later become Jair Bolsonaro Civil House minister.
Despite the jolt, which was led by PP and PT, the congress at that time had only to block new measures, not to disfigure the existing ones.
After this prelude, the center and other left -to -right parties in Congress began the most effective reaction to Lava Jato in the crucial year 2019, first of Bolsonaro management.
In May, they barred Coaf’s trip to the Moro Ministry of Justice, which had just abandoned the judiciary to board the Bolsonaro government. The agency was returned to the economy folder (current farm) and today is at the Central Bank’s purification.
Still that year, in September, Congress approved, detailing punishment to excesses during investigations and processes.
Three months earlier the popularity and credibility of the operation began to crumble after the revelation by The Intercept Brazil of during the investigations.
The messages of messages that became known as “Vaza Jet” guided the growing decline of Lava Jato, a more striking counterattack in the political world and its complete emptying for successive cancellations defined by Supreme Court ministers, some to date.
This Friday (15), for example, Dias Toffoli. Already Kassio Nunes Marques, also in relation to the actions of the task force and Moro.
The court also served in 2019 to limit Coaf’s action, which at the time suspended more than 900 investigations across the country.
The year 2019 ended, Moro’s main flag in the folder and had also been disfigured in the process of Congress.
“The biggest loss [em relação à Lava Jato] It took place from the change in the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court, with the end of the arrest after conviction in the second instance and which led to the release of Lula and convicted criminals, “said Moro, now a senator for the Paraná.
The decision cited by the senator also occurred in 2019, when the STF plenary changed jurisprudence that had adopted three years earlier and, by 6 votes to 5 ,.
Moro also claimed to be favorable to the end of the privileged forum, which, according to him, is the cause of impunity or political persecution.
“It is not good for the Supreme Court or Congress. The ideal would be the forum in the first instance, but I see no further problems in considering federal regional courts as an initial forum,” he said. Regarding the return of the requirement of prior authorization from the legislature to criminal proceedings, he claims to be against, defending the maintenance of the current rule that gives Congress the power to support criminal proceedings.
In 2021, the House approved under the presidency of Lira – which had been convicted in two actions for misconduct in Alagoas -, requiring to configure the crime proof of intent, that is, the intention to injure the public administration.
Defenders of the measure point out that this was important to block condemnations for corruption of management failures that did not involve bad faith.
The former mayor now sewed with the opposition agreement on the new shielding projects amid the scholarship of the House Plenary. Bolsonaro’s allies say they see in the measures a response to what they consider abuses of Minister Alexandre de Moraes of the Supreme Court.
The mayor, Hugo Motta (Republicans-PB), given what he classified as “exaggerations” by the judiciary.
