the place where the ice of internal politics compensate. The European Union (EU) has turned right. They admit it in La Moncloa: “Europe is different now. The vast majority of governments are conservative.” In the European Council, a fortnight of leaders is of that sign or ultra, while there are only three social democrats. The same goes for the European Parliament or in the European Commission. And that has consequences, even if they are indirect, for Spain. In recent months, Sánchez has given Bruces in his attempts that Catalan, Basque and Galician being official in the EU, has maintained a minority position on him, has seen how they opened and suffered the hostile position of the commission on the European justice. Nor is it a dominant voice in matters of European interest as the war in Ukraine, where despite actively participating in the volunteer coalition, the Spanish president is not part of the hard nucleus that accompanied President Volodimir Zelenski to Washington on Monday.
when Sánchez and the then Portuguese prime minister, also the socialist António Costa, achieved that the European Council recognized that the Peninsula apply in the regulations of the electrical prices. It also is behind the moment when Spain marked the step in the recovery fund to leave the hole in which the COVID-19 left the economies of the community block. Each of the open fronts has its own explanation, but the general tonic is that things have been complicated for the Spanish government in Brussels, as noted by the researcher of the Royal Institute Elcano Ignacio Molina: “The slightest weight of the social democratic family has affected. There is no good news, no,” says the analyst, who observes that deterioration since the end of the past.
However, Molina clarifies that he “would not exaggerate” and puts an example: the position regarding Gaza. In May of last year, he had little traction, only Ireland and Slovenia followed him (in addition to Norway, who is not an EU partner). But as the months go by, more countries harden their position before the humanitarian drama of the Strip: and, outside the EU, London has warned the Benjamin Netanyahu government that will also do so if it does not change. But what happens with the Palestinian matter is not usual.
From the Moncloa you can see the glass half full. Executive sources speak of “giving the ideological battle and defending progressive values” in a resistance scenario in which Sanchez grows: “For us it is an opportunity, although we are aware of the difficulty.” They trust that, over time, the socialist family wins more governments in the EU. But the change will have to be considerable to clarify the fronts on which Spain has lost bellows in the European arena:
COOFICIAL LANGUAGES. The Executive has been trying for two years that the EU council recognizes Catalan, Basque and Galician as official languages of the Union. In recent months it has intensified the effort. He has reformulated his proposal so as not to sit in other countries with minority languages and has guaranteed that he will assume all costs. But he hasn’t succeeded. The Moncloa holds the Spanish PP for maneuvering and getting democratic governments to veto the initiative.
The government tried for the last time on July 18. A dozen countries expressed “doubts” about whether this step, something that Spain denies. Most reluctant are conservative executives who are very present for the PP pressures. In any case, the unanimity that this step requires remains far.
Migration. The majority current in EU’s immigration policy is in the opposite direction to Spanish positions. Even the Danish government of the social democrat Mette Frederiksen, in front of this semester of the EU, remaits in the opposite direction. Nordics are willing to harden this policy more. Up to 21 countries gathered apart during the last summit of European leaders to discuss “innovative solutions” that basically consist of more hard hand, expulsions and deportation centers in third countries. A few years ago, there were few partners in this position. Now, Spain is increasingly alone in claiming that it is implemented first of all.
“It is changing the way of thinking about immigration in Europe,” the Polish conservative prime minister, Donald Tusk, held internally by the extreme right. “Foreigners have contributed to the economic bonanza. We need migrants,” they point out from Moncloa, relying on evidence – and in demography.
Defense expense. In June, in the last European Council, the President of the Government, Pedro Sánchez, declared himself “absolutely frugal” with defense spending, explain sources known to what was spoken behind closed doors. Almost all leaders came from the, held a day before in The Hague, where the allies promised to increase their military expenditure to 5%. Sanchez was the only one who questioned that goal and achieved that the general secretary of the Alliance, Mark Rutte, let him try. This Spanish position was interpreted as a challenge to the US president, Donald Trump, driver of the 5%commitment. An attitude that was also seen with restlessness, and even angry, by many fearful capitals of an American response against all allies. Although this did not happen, nor does Trump’s threat to Spain to make “double” tariffs, the evidenced tension constitutes one more reason for Sanchez not to have traveled to Washington to roll to Zelenski.
Amnesty. The European Commission first pronounced public over it and prosecuted by the process Independentista in Catalonia on July 15, in the view held in the EU Court of Justice on the prejudicial issues of the Court of Accounts and the National Court. The EU executive, who spoke by mouth of his legal services, said that the measure of grace “did not respond to the general interest” and charged against the fact that he was a counterpart by the. We will have to wait for the judges’ ruling, but for the moment the position of the commission is a very forceful setback to the government.
BBVA-Sabadell OPA. One of the last dislikes received by the Executive from Brussels has been the opening of an infraction procedure against Spain for the rules used for. The commission thinks that they do not conform to community law. Brussels has taken more than 10 years to realize, because the two financial standards used by the Ministry of Economy are from 2014 and 2015, just when the Commission had to extreme its vigilance on the budgets and laws that regulated the banking sector because Spain had requested the financial rescue and was intervened. The Ministry of Economy has held conversations with the Commissioner of Financial Services, Maria Luís Albuquerque, to try to explain that, in their opinion, these rules conform to the directives and treaties. He has not convinced her.
Recovery plan. Receiving the money from the recovery fund depends on the country complying with the investments and reforms committed in Brussels. To move forward, you need to make parliamentary majorities in Congress, and the government has nothing easy. In that way, the fragility of the government minority and the difficulties of complying with the pacts achieved with the commission arrive in Brussels. It has been clearly seen during the long processing of the fifth payment of the recovery plan. It has been the highest amount paid so far, but it has required many months of negotiations and the expected amount has been reduced because the Spanish Executive has not been able to carry out the tax increase to diesel.
