The sanction of Donald Trump’s government against Minister Alexandre de Moraes, based on Magnitsky Law, brings the Minister of the Supreme Court (STF) a restricted and symbolic list: that of individuals accused by the United States of serious human rights violations or systemic corruption.
More than the unprecedented diplomatic gesture, which has never been included, the designation imposes practical risks on the magistrate, with potential for financial, digital and even social exclusion.
Among the more than 670 sanctioned since the creation of the standard in 2012 are Russian oligarchs, Burmese military, authoritarian leaders and entrepreneurs linked to human trafficking and political repression.
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The sanction has already led tycoons near Vladimir Putin to lose bank accounts, credit cards, digital profiles, technology platform contracts and even access to streaming services.
The, formalized on July 30, 2025, places Brazil at the same level as countries such as China, Syria, Iran, Venezuela, Bulgaria and Cambodia, nations with a history of repression. There is no other Brazilian authority or national company so far on magnitsky so far.
Although Moraes does not have declared assets in the United States, the indirect effects of the sanction may be significant. Due to the structure of the law, US companies are prohibited from maintaining relations with the sanctioned, under penalty of billionaire fines.
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As a result, banks in Brazil, using dollar -based financial systems and operating with US institutions, may end Moraes linked accounts. The logic also applies to credit card flags (such as Visa and Mastercard), applications, streaming platforms and cell phones. Even the use of iPhones can be restricted if ICLOUD and APP Store deny access.
Experience of other sanctioned reinforces the alert
After the war in Ukraine, Russian oligarchs began to receive notifications of closing accounts at European, Asian and Middle East banks. Within a few months, many could no longer use credit cards or maintain contracts with international companies.
Similar cases occurred with Myanmar generals involved in Rohingya minority massacres and with Putin’s ally Kadyrov’s leader Ramzan Kadyrov, accused of torture and forced disappearances. Even sports clubs and academies linked to it were targets of sanctions.
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The law also has reach in Latin America. In Guatemala, two former parliamentarians were punished for trying to interfere with the appointment of judges. Already in Africa, businessmen linked to gold smuggling were hit in partnership with the UK, with freezing assets in multiple countries. China leads the number of designations, focusing on violations against Uigures in the Xinjiang region.
Moraes’s case is the first to test the effects of magnitsky law on a consolidated western democracy. Behind the scenes, Brazilian banks evaluate whether or not to maintain the bond with the minister, given the possible exposure to secondary sanctions.
As STF ministers receive salary from public banks with international operation, there is concern about continuity of services. Technicians considered migrating the accounts to credit cooperatives ,.
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In addition to financial effects, the inclusion of Moraes widens the political use of the legislation. The pressure for the sanction was articulated by Jair Bolsonaro’s allies in the United States, especially his son Eduardo Bolsonaro, who acts to export the clash with the Supreme to the international arena.
The US Treasury Department did not present public evidence against Moraes, only generic citations to the repression of freedoms.
Historic
Since it became a permanent law in 2022, magnitsky has been seen as a diplomatic weapon. The standard originated in 2009, after the death of Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, who had denounced a billionaire fraud scheme involving Moscow authorities.
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Arrested, tortured, and killed in a cell, Magnitsky became a global symbol of the fight against state impunity. Since then, the legislation has been expanded to reach any individual involved in systematic human rights or corruption abuse, with sanctions that include prohibition of US entry, blocking goods and cutting relationships with US companies.
Impact of sanctions goes beyond the blockade of goods
Recent studies help to understand why applying magnitsky law against Moraes can have lasting consequences, even if it has no accounts or real estate in the United States.
In an empirical research conducted in 2023 by jurist Anton Moiseienko, in partnership with the International Lawyers Project, the real effects of the sanction on 20 individuals designated under the global magnitsky were analyzed.
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Moiseienko, professor and researcher at Australian National University, highlighted the Journal Law Society that the effectiveness of sanctions is often discussed in theoretical terms.
“There is a longtime discussion about whether sanctions work and what it means to work,” he said. “But the challenge is that the discussion can become very theoretical when people begin to talk about what effectiveness can mean, what are the goals of sanctions and what they intend to achieve.”
The study sought a more pragmatic path: identifying what, in fact, changes in the lives of the sanctioned. The survey showed that while one third of the targets was not directly affected by the freezing of assets, most have suffered relevant impacts: banks and private sector companies began to refuse any bond with those sanctioned, even in countries that are not required to follow American legislation.
“There are also less direct consequences of sanctions,” said Moiseienko. “But they are still very important consequences. For example, banks in countries that are not required to comply with US sanctions continue to refuse the target customer. This is not a direct consequence of sanctions, in the sense that it is not a requirement of them, but significantly affects the lives of the individuals involved.”
According to the researcher, in several cases, the inclusion in the Magsky list caused local criminal investigations, precisely for giving international visibility to allegations of corruption or abuse of human rights.
The combination of financial barriers, loss of reputation and reactions of global companies has been more effective than the mere prohibition of entry into the United States.