The White House currently has much more strategic and thorny issues to deal with in its external agenda, such as a, than the destinations of Jair Bolsonaro. Still, the pseudo-diplomatic representation in Brasilia and officials try to sustain the boiling of the crisis with Brazil.
They count on this with the help of Brazilian surrender politicians, led by Jair and his son Eduardo, and scared or malicious voices. They also surf, paradoxically, in the unhappy demonstrations of state agents, the recent case of the unsubbler, of the Supreme Court, who did not contain themselves and generated frenzy in the financial market with his dismissal to the banks.
There are, on the other hand, less dramatic signs on the scene, such as a. It caused some surprise, since Americans sabotage the organization. The answer, however, was clear in expressing availability to mark the date of a conversation.
Trump, as is well known, before validating economic sanctions, had already exempted hundreds of Brazilian tariff products. The opinion that the Government of Brazil, Lula ahead, does nothing, misses rhetoric, is null in the joints and incompetent in diplomacy is not sustained. It is a thing of pockets and antipetist commentators. Brazil is in the game, as far as possible.
It is also considered that the White House autocrat, also with his internal problems, can give sufficient sanctions and think twice in a new climb to save his wrapped friend South American. Can a new card come with the trial? In theory, yes, but it would be a big bet. Losing, what would you do? Landing marines in Copacabana? “Here everything is mock,” warned Eduardo Bolsonaro.
On the effects of tariffs on the columnist Samuel Pessôa estimated a possible loss of 0.15% of in 2025 and 0.3% in 2026. It is not a bomb that can reach the majority of the Brazilian population. . And it does not tend to rise.
From another perspective, focused on the political process, Professor Christian Lynch painted a worrying picture. Depending on the evolution of US unagobling imperialism, which comes in the broth of the new nationalism and the new fascism of this troubled 21st century, it can thicken. Lynch’s analysis deserves attention and puts us in the face of the likelihood of the outbreak of a coup movement so as not to abide by a possible electoral defeat of the right in Brazil in 2026.
Trump’s world order respects zones of influence divided primarily into three structuring autocratic axes: USA, and China. That is, himself, Putin and Xi Jinping replace multilateral institutions. Each would have ancestry about his “backyard”. Brazil, like the threatened Venezuela, is in the American surroundings.
There are unsettling risks in the air, but it would not set aside the chance of a scenario where conflicts between US and Brazil will be administered at a more stable and less threatening tensions.
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