[RESUMO] Granting indulgers to scammers and conspirators has been a tradition in postwar Brazil, which only encourages new attempts to take armed power. If the Amnesty of 1979 was later indispensable to pacify the country, after all the military was still in power, now repeat the judicial forgiveness to Bolsonaro and other defendants would condemn political instability that already seemed overcome, evaluating author.
Several right-wing politicians defend an amnesty to the defendants involved in the coup plot led by former President Jair Bolsonaro. According to Folha report, the group. Behind this reaction against the Supreme Court’s trial is the governor of São Paulo, who moves in fear of the Bolsonaro family and eyeing next year’s presidential elections.
From a historical point of view, amnesty is not a completely abilored idea. Brazil was several times shaken by coup attempts, whose conspirators ended up being amnesty in indulgers who, in turn, generated incentives for new conspiracies. This current of instability marked the postwar political system, the first Brazilian democratic experience.
to avoid a blow mounted by opposition and sectors of the Armed Forces. Vice President Café Filho seized power, but under pressure, resigned, giving way to Carlos Luz, the mayor. Luz was ladded with military personnel with the purpose of
The war minister ,, gave a preventive blow to light to ensure that JK took over the presidency. Even so, in 1959 the military took arms against JK, already president, in the frustrated quarters of Jacareacanga and Aragarças.
No one was condemned for the coup attempts of the 1950s, and the conspiracy only grew up in the Armed Forces, culminating in 1964. The dictators showed no benevolence as they were in power: the military regime cassated, exiled, arrested, tortured and murdered opponents over two decades.
in assuming the presidency in 1974. Disension, however, raised a number of issues to the government. If they left power, who would guarantee that the military would not be tried and condemned for their crimes?
The core of the regime was afraid of civilians. Already the hard line, which had tortured and killed, tried to arm a blow against Geisel. As usual, the conspirators went unpunished, but they did not stop exploding bombs and pursuing opponents to the default of the Military Command.
The redemocratization was made possible by an agreement based on, which delivered opposition politicians and the criminals of the regime of any punishment, despite excluding the guerrillas convicted by the military courts. Amnesty was a guarantee especially to the dictators and agents of repression, not the opposition that had followed the path of armed struggle.
from the MDB, came candidate for president in the 1985 indirect elections, having as deputy José Sarney, a man of the regime, the arena egress. With the support of several dictatorship politicians, the Tancredo-Sarney plate hit Paulo Maluf at the Electoral College.
Amnesty and the new civil government gave the necessary guarantees for the military to return to the quarters, including the row, which submerged in national politics, at least until Bolsonaro’s victory in 2018.
In the book Fernando Limongi and I argue that without the conciliations began in the 1979 amnesty, the dictatorship would have lasted longer, possibly under the judgment of the row.
Despite at the time revolting several democrats, the arrangement that concluded in Sarney’s inauguration was necessary for the construction of a solid and lasting democracy. Unheard of in the history of the country, the regime in which we live no longer allows impunity of coup; Hence comes the importance of Bolsonaro’s judgment in the Supreme Court.
If the amnesty was indispensable to pacify the country for four decades, it will now have the opposite effect, capable of playing the democratic stability achieved in the new republic. The military were in power in 1979, controlling both weapons and the pen with which the opening would approve. At that time, either the opposition negotiated, or we would follow in an exception regime.
The situation is very different today: the military is not in power, and most of the Armed Forces summit opposed Bolsonaro’s coup.
There is no need to negotiate with scammers. , new attempts at blow will fatally come, condemning us to the return to the past, the instability of postwar democracy or, worse, the lead of the military dictatorship.
