The condemnation of military personnel in a process conducted by is a milestone in Brazilian history.
Never before members of those sought institutional break had been the target of a rocked criminal proceedings as we have now seen – in -laws and indicted by the Federal Police, denounced by the Public Prosecution Service, made defendants by the court and considered guilty – led to the part of the military system (Military Prosecutor and Superior Military Court).
Impaise is more symbolic because they are not members of the Army and Navy stingray.
For attempted coup and other crimes, six are military of the Armed Forces, starting with the retired army captain.
Along with him, four four-star general officers, the top of the military career were guilty: Admiral Almir Garnier and Army Generals Augusto Heleno Ribeiro, Walter Braga Netto and Paulo Sérgio Nogueira.
The remaining military man in the so-called central core of the coup plot is Army Lieutenant Colonel Mauro Cid, the whistleblower. The two other convicts, Alexandre Ramagem and Anderson Torres, are delegates of the Federal Police.
In his vote to condemn everyone, the rapporteur Alexandre de Moraes cited the Armed Forces almost 60 times – the minister who did the most, more than double the mentions made by Luiz Fux, 29, although his vote has occupied more than double the time.
“In Brazil, every time the Armed Forces welcomed the calling of a political group that claims to be a representative of the people, we had a blow, a state of exception, a dictatorship,” said Moraes.
In the minister’s view, these six military personnel – and so many that are part of other coup nuclei already reported but not yet tried – are rotten apples in the healthy tree of the Armed Forces, and the fact that there was no blow despite the legalism of the institution.
It is true that the rupture was not consumed. There are those who attribute this more to lack of external support – then US government warned that they would not embark on adventure – and it is never too much to remember that the commanders greeted today as Democrats (Freire Gomes and Batista Jr.) encouraged camp in front of the Army HQ in Brasilia which was the incubator of January 8.
In any case, despite the unequivocal institutional advance represented by, the robustness of Brazilian democracy will be better evaluated from now on. This is because all the other times when the military underlined against democracy, ended amnesty by the state itself.
One of the main scholars of the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and military authoritarianism in general, the (UFRJ) surveyed the 14 blows and attempts to coup from the republican period, including Bolsonaro’s-all/all led by military.
On seven occasions, those who struck the institutional order prevailed: 1889, 1930, 1937, 1945, 1954, 1955 and 1964. In six of the seven failed attempts (1904, 1922, 1924, 1956, 1959 and 1961), the scammers ended amnesty by presidential or legislative decrees.
The seventh attempt was precisely that of 2022/23, whose main protagonists ended in this other September 11. There is increasing pressure for an amnesty to them and those convicted of 8/1, coming from Bolsonaro’s supporters or sympathizers, who dominate Congress and were vitaminated by Fux’s uncomfortable lonely vote.
The ministers of, especially Flávio Dino and Moraes, rejected the hypothesis. “These criminal types are unmistakable, unequivocally,” Dino said. “It is not pardoned by the President of the Republic, there is no amnesty for the legislature and also judicial forgiveness for the crime of coup,” said Moraes.
It is not yet known if your positions will prevail, but it is the outcome of this impasse that will confirm (or not) the truly historical character of the judgment.
