From his trench in the United States, he threatened: “Without amnesty, there will be no election of 2026.” False, without the amnesty desired by the Bolsonaros, there will be election in 2026 and if they may be held responsible for their words, they will say that it was all simple bravado.
The Bolsonaros introduced two toxic elements in Brazilian politics.
One is a luck of intrafamily conflict without purposes. Win a weekend in Budapest who knows why Michelle doesn’t like Jair Renan and is. Flávio says that Eduardo is crazy and Eduardo thinks Flávio is too meek. For what? For nothing.
The second ingredient is Bravaria. Patriarch Jair fought vaccines, said that the fear of Covid was a silence, threatened with apocalypses and, on several occasions, referred to “”. Always for nothing.
Still in the last century, when he was just a bad captain, Jair jumped from Bravata in Bravata, such as Guandu’s adductor explosives, presented in a children’s drawing.
The explosions of the Bolsonaros, such as Grei’s plans, threaten with the end of the world and, when they are called to the lines, protect themselves brave. The best example of this was on the plane green dagger. While was printed in the dark of the Plateau by General Mário Fernandes, Faria and would happen. Called to explain, the general came out of thin, speaking of simple reflection.
When Eduardo Bolsonaro says that “without amnesty, there will be no election of 2026,” echoes a phrase attributed to General Braga Netto, for whom there would be no election without printed vote. (He denied the authorship of the comment.) In any case, there was an election without printed vote, Bolsonaro and Braga Netto were defeated, Lula is in the Planalto and the double thin in the arrests. Bolsonaro in a home sugarcane and the general in a barracks. The country gained an institutional serenity denied it during the term of the former captain.
The brave style is toxic because it is all useless. It is for nothing, besides giving a few minutes of fame to interested parties. The Bolsonaros could not impose a radical agenda when they were in government. They will get nothing now that they are out of it, forced to fear the pen of Minister Alexandre de Moraes. It is an overdue style, like that of the hats and the polains.
Deputy Eduardo Bolsonaro knows that if Congress approves some kind of amnesty, she will not bring great relief to the former president. He will first benefit the lambaris of January 8, sentenced to extravagant penalties, such as the 14-year-old for the bullshit who sat in the chair of Alexandre de Moraes. (He was on the street, not from the Supreme Court building.)
The tragedy of McNamara
He arrived at the American bookstores “McNamara at War” (The McNamara War) of journalists William and Philip Taubman. It is the story of (1916-2009), the Harvard teacher who raised the Ford Motor, revolutionized the US Armed Forces and drew a brilliant career in.
McNamara was the secretary of the defense of presidents John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, until he left office and, over time, became a war critic: “It was a mistake, a big mistake.”
“The McNamara War” exposes the personal tragedy of the powerful Secretary of Defense, a statistics devourer, “computer with legs.” Behind the cold and dazzled technocrat with power, there was a disbelief, disbelief of the propalating military victory, responsible for the death of tens of thousands of young Americans and millions of Vietnamese, for nothing.
The Vietnam War lasted 20 years and ended in 1975, with the withdrawal of American troops and the collapse of the Saigon regime. Since 1965 McNamara and President Lyndon Johnson’s main advisers knew that the United States could not win that war, but pretended that military victory was within the reach of the generals.
The Taubman brothers traced a complete profile of the technocrat immersed in the palace power games. He showed himself an excellent dancer and flirted with President John Kennedy’s widow, murdered in 1963. When the war became unpopular, McNamara suffered from the opposition of his children and slowly slid into a discreet opposition.
It was his idea of compiling information capable of explaining how the United States got into similar trouble. These documents became known as the. Exchanging the crisis in kids, US governments were convinced that if South Vietnam fell, Southeast Asia would fall together. It was domino theory, a foolishness, as it turned out.
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