By placing it in the General Secretariat of the Presidency, he showed that he will go to the 2026 election dressed for war. A war in your style, managing social movements.
For almost three years of his third term, the conservative opposition convinced him that the best way forward was a discreet return to his roots. Three years ago, Gilberto Kassab predicted: “Guilherme Boulos could be Lula’s heir.” There was no other way. With an aging PT, Lula sought out this 43-year-old activist to inject life into his government. As Boulos himself said: “Lula gave me the mission of “.
With his roots in and among young voters, Boulos is capable of bringing people to the asphalt of Avenida Paulista. (Fernando Haddad, Minister of Finance, takes people to the glass-enclosed offices on that same avenue.)
Boulos may awaken a dormant militancy, but he also awakens a certain fear, due to a slightly radical past. Candidate for mayor of São Paulo in 2024, he was beaten in the second round by incumbent Ricardo Nunes by more than 1 million votes. This in a city where, two years earlier, Lula had beaten Jair Bolsonaro with a difference of almost half a million votes.
Adversity taught Lula that Pindorama’s upper floor flatters him when he is in power, but only tolerates him. When they had a good chance, they put him in jail. What’s more: they elected Jair Bolsonaro, with “my Army” and his chloroquine.
(For the sake of fairness, it must be recognized that this same upstairs had nothing to do with the coup plot of 2022/2023, something of mad palatialians.)
About to complete three years of his third term, Lula seems to have become disenchanted with the right, in the sense that it is capable of irrationally allying itself with Trumpist tariffs to disrupt his life. So, look for Guilherme Boulos at PSOL.
Federal deputy, Boulos led the group called Homeless Workers Movement and in 2017 during an action to repossess an invaded land in São Paulo.
Boulos and PSOL can still “put the government on the street”. To do this, they will count on the help of a disjointed opposition, which pretends to gravitate towards a former president kept under house arrest.
If Boulos had nothing to offer Lula’s government, his status as a psychoanalyst would be enough to explain the emotional roots of conservatism’s flirtation with what they call Bolsonarism. Or something even more dramatic: the realization that today Bolsonarism takes more people to the streets than the left.
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