Federal deputy Domingos Neto (PSD-CE), 37, claims to have , the two largest parties in , to approve the project that changes the current electoral model, proportional, to .
In an interview with Sheetthe parliamentarian argues that the exchange would have the power to and exalts the likely effect of strengthening the parties and removing power from the so-called vote pullers.
“The ones who will have the advantage are those who have a political base. It will be worth much more than money, than YouTube, than TikTok. It will be worth much more face to face, service provision, accountability, knowing people, being known, being down to earth, and it will make the election cheaper.”
The mixed district would divide the states into districts, where half of the deputies would be elected by local majority vote and the other half by party lists.
Today, deputies are elected using the proportional system: the voter votes for a candidate or party, and the seats are distributed according to the party’s total votes, with the most voted within it winning — which allows vote pullers to help colleagues with less support.
Mr. Do you already have a report ready or are you still consulting the benches?
I’m still talking to everyone. But I already have a text ready, waiting for the president [da Câmara] put this on the agenda. I have already spoken to most party leaders and presidents. Now it’s just a matter of timing to bring this to the agenda. Putting it on the agenda, then we will have discussions, possible suggestions from parties, leadership, benches, and then we will make the changes in the plenary.
What do you mr. Has it changed in relation to the project by former senator José Serra (PSDB-SP), approved by in 2017?
There are some changes. The most substantial is the change to a single vote [o eleitor vota no candidato do distrito, o que conta voto para o partido desse candidato na lista fechada].
And the design of the districts, who will do it?
The Electoral Court, applying the rules that we are stipulating based on the IBGE.
This model greatly reduces the power of vote pullers, opinion votes, anti-system votes…
Value [o voto] everywhere. Where the district vote was placed, the motivation is accountability [prestação de contas]. You can demand from your parliamentarian. Today, almost 90% of voters do not remember who they voted for. This changes. Voters will need to have a relationship with their federal deputy, much like they have with the mayor, who is one of the political representatives with whom voters most identify.
With this design of the districts, will there be an advantage to the party that already has a deputy, which already has greater reach throughout the country?
Those who will have the advantage are those who have a political base. It will be worth much more than money, than YouTube, than TikTok. It will be worth much more hand to hand, providing service, accountability, getting to know people, being known, being down to earth. And it will make the election cheaper.
Is there a goal of blocking influencers?
It may even be a consequence, but it is not an objective. Especially because the bill was born long before there were influencers. The issue of being able to charge more strongly is more important, and influencers can continue to be candidates. Nobody is stopping or prohibiting this.
On the issue of factions, you are saying that it will make it difficult to join. But there are people saying that it can even make it easier. When drawing a district, why won’t a faction that dominates that region be able to elect a representative?
There will be no district in neighborhood [nas municipais, a proposta é de voto distrital misto nas cidades com mais de 200 mil habitantes]. Our project will only deal with districts in larger cities. There is no way you can arrive at a municipality with 1,000 inhabitants and divide it into districts.
Still, why, in your opinion, makes it difficult?
Of course it makes it difficult. Why are they elected today? Because you can field, in any party, thousands of candidates in São Paulo. How will you know who the thousands are?
So, the guy already enters undercover, without anyone being able to map out who he is. These factions do not command large centers. As a rule, they command small territories spread across several municipalities.
So today what does she do? She takes it and gives the guy 500 votes in one municipality, 200 in another, 300 in another. When you put the total together, it was 100 thousand. Elected a deputy.
They do it quietly, they avoid the spotlight. An election like this in a district in the state of São Paulo, for example, which will have almost 1 million inhabitants [por distrito]the person with the most votes will be a deputy with 250 thousand, 300 thousand votes. And there will be few candidates, 10, 11, each party can only launch one. So we’re going to have a debate for federal deputy. How will a faction member participate in a debate?
In the city of São Paulo, for example, I think there must be eight districts.
And then it divides São Paulo territorially based on what criteria?
Following the rule, macro-region, meso-region, this is in the law [no projeto]. And one district and another can have a maximum of 5% difference in population, because sometimes it’s impossible to make it 100% the same, it’s impossible.
The project already existed before the mega police operation in Rio. Why has it been considered again now, given that Congress has already rejected several proposals to change the electoral model in recent years?
Congress rejected it at a time when there were 30 or so parties represented. Before the 2017 reform, we had a huge number of parties. The number of parties has decreased, today there are only seven parties with more than 40 deputies. After these, the next ones are less than 20.
We now have a new way to discuss this type of topic. And we have seen in the election the strengthening of the entry of organized crime into politics. We have already had several examples. Right here in my state [Ceará] There were mayors impeached by the Electoral Court for involvement with a criminal faction.
So, this causes issues like these to accelerate. Could you, from a mapping of 2,000 candidates in São Paulo, identify which ones are linked to crime or not? You won’t make it. Now, if your district has 10 candidates, the press, the Public Ministry and political opponents shine a spotlight on the dispute. It gets easier. There will be a debate for federal deputy.
From the conversations you’ve already had, PT and PL [os maiores partidos da Câmara] are you in favor? The PT is historically in favor of a closed list…
The PL too. I spoke to various parts of the PL. I haven’t had it with Valdemar yet [Costa Neto, presidente do PL]the person he nominated at the meeting was Altineu [Cortes, vice-presidente da Câmara]. I also spoke to Sóstenes [Cavalcante, líder da bancada do PL]. Valdemar traveled and did not participate, but Valdemar’s message at the meeting was favorable.
X-ray
Domingos Neto is a federal deputy in his fourth consecutive term. He is 37 years old and has a law degree from the University of Fortaleza. In the Chamber, he was, among other functions, general rapporteur of the 2020 Federal Budget.
WHAT IT IS TODAY AND WHAT IT WOULD LIKE
PROPORTIONAL ELECTIONS (CURRENT MODEL)
Charges: federal, state/district deputies and councilors
The voter votes:
- In a candidate or
- Directly in a party/federation
- The votes of all candidates and the party are added together
- The electoral quotient is calculated (valid votes ÷ number of vacancies)
- Each party/federation receives a number of seats proportional to its total vote
- The most voted candidates within each party are elected until the number of seats won is completed.
Example:
- State has 10 seats.
- Party A gets enough votes for 3 seats
- The 3 candidates with the most votes from party A will win the seats
Effects:
- Vote-pulling candidates” can elect colleagues with low votes
- Campaigns tend to be more expensive, carried out throughout the state
- Voters often do not know who their direct representative is
- Decision-making power is more focused on the candidate’s individual performance
MIXED DISTRICT
Each state (or municipality) would be divided into electoral districts, equivalent to half of the available seats
Example: 70 federal deputies (São Paulo) → 35 districts
- The voter votes for a candidate from his district (nominal vote) and this vote counts for the party, which has a pre-ordered list of candidates
Half of the chairs go to:
- The candidates with the most votes in each district (majority system)
The other half is distributed:
- Between parties, according to the total number of party votes in the state
- Vacancies are filled in the order of the list presented by each caption
Example:
- State has 10 seats → 5 districts + 5 party seats
- 5 candidates elected directly in the districts
- The other 5 come from the party list, according to the total number of party votes in the state.
PROS AND CONS OF THE MIXED DISTRICT
Pros:
- Brings voters and representatives together (each district has a known representative)
- Reduces the cost of campaigns (smaller area of activity)
- Strengthens parties and reduces the weight of “vote pullers”
- Can reduce party fragmentation
- Defenders say the model makes it difficult for organized crime to penetrate by shining a spotlight on disputes
Contras:
- It takes weight away from opinion votes and candidates who represent minorities
- Risk of local oligarchization (districts dominated by families or regional groups)
- Less freedom of individual choice, as part of the vacancies come from party lists
- Strengthening party fiefdoms and “councillorization” of state and federal deputies
- It does not stop the penetration of crime, which has already elected mayors suspected of links to factions
