The escalation of the crisis between the leadership of Congress and the government, from the Chamber, Hugo Motta (Republicanos-PB), and from the Senate, Davi Alcolumbre (União Brasil-AP), in the act of sanctioning the Income Tax exemption this Wednesday (26), threatens important matters for Lula (PT).
The preparation of the 2026 Budget, which will define what expenses and programs will be implemented in the election year, the PEC (Proposed Amendment to the Constitution) for Public Security and the approval of Jorge Messias for a vacancy in the STF (Supreme Federal Court) are cited by parliamentarians as topics in which the Executive could be defeated.
This Thursday (27), for example, Alcolumbre scheduled a Congress session to analyze presidential vetoes and the expectation, behind the scenes, is of a new significant defeat for Lula.
The clash with the Palácio do Planalto also made it take a backseat in Congress, with a timid reaction from the right. The debate on amnesty was relegated to behind-the-scenes conversations, without explicit support or defense from the center.
Motta and Alcolumbre distanced themselves from the government recently. The president of Congress was Lula’s main guarantor in the Legislature, but declared war with the appointment of Messias to the Supreme Court instead of senator Rodrigo Pacheco (PSD-MG).
Alcolumbre has been looking for senators to defend the rejection of Lula’s nominee and in public accounts, to grant special retirement to community health agents and those fighting endemic diseases, in a message of dissatisfaction with the government.
Despite this, government officials minimized dissatisfaction. They claim that the president of the Senate could have been tougher, and voted on the PEC for community health agents (which has already been approved by the Chamber and is going to be promulgated, which would not allow for a veto by the president). Lula should also look for him before the Messias vote to talk, and senators say that neither of them benefits from a breakup.
The president of the Chamber, in turn, publicly broke with the leader of the PT, deputy Lindbergh Farias (RJ), after criticism received for the choice of deputy Guilherme Derrite (PP-SP) – secretary of Tarcísio de Freitas – as rapporteur of the anti-faction project, which was Lula’s commitment to public security.
PT members say that Motta came to them to say that the break was with the PT leader, not with the bench or with the government, but that he highlighted that the relationship with the Palácio do Planalto is also bad, mainly due to what he considers to be unfulfilled agreements, such as the delay in implementing parliamentary amendments and .
Motta’s group also accuses the government of encouraging and promoting attacks on the Chamber among public opinion. Behind the scenes, allies of the President of the House complain about ministers Gleisi Hoffmann (Secretary of Institutional Relations), Fernando Haddad (Finance) and Sidônio Palmeira (Secom).
Motta complained to interlocutors about statements made by Gleisi and Haddad about the proceedings and the anti-faction bill approved by the Chamber, stating that they acted unfairly and dishonestly. He would also have said that he sees Secom’s fingers in the attacks that Congress received on social media.
The president of the Chamber’s group also states that it is necessary to rethink the relationship with Haddad. They say that deputies responded to the minister’s requests throughout the year, but that this could change from now on.
In addition to voting on the Budget and measures necessary to close the accounts, such as cutting almost R$20 billion in tax subsidies for companies, the House leadership talks about making it more difficult to process the bill.
Government members say that in the same way that there is distrust and dissatisfaction between the Chamber leadership and the Planalto, the opposite is true. Lula’s aides claim that there are clashes in the political debate, but that institutional relations between the two Powers should not be affected.
A frequent interlocutor of Lula argues that it is necessary to relax the climate with Congress and for the president to play a greater role in dialogue with parliamentarians.
Allies of the PT member counter that all of Motta’s decisions have political consequences, such as choosing an opposition rapporteur for priority matters for the president or guiding projects against the government. They claim that the government’s positions were endorsed and encouraged by Lula himself.
To strengthen himself in the face of demands from the government and the opposition, Motta, the majority of the House, to sustain his governability. Eight parties were united, such as PSD, União Brasil, PP, MDB and Republicans. The movement is also seen as an initial step towards building a base of support that could re-elect him in 2027, despite internal dissent.
The size allows the group to present urgent requests and approve them without the need for support from the left or right, for example. It also guarantees a majority, which can either side with the government or with the opposition.
Bolsonaro supporters are trying to take advantage of the moment and the former president’s arrest to resume the amnesty agenda, but the project remains blocked. Motta only admits taking the text to the plenary if it is restricted to reducing sentences. The PL did not give in and insisted on complete amnesty through a vote in the plenary.
Leader of the PL in the Chamber, deputy Sóstenes Cavalcante (RJ) stated that the amnesty vote remains at an impasse.
The Bolsonarist reaction in Congress already indicates a loss of strength in this political group. In August, deputies and senators who support Bolsonaro rioted after the former president.
Bolsonaro was (22). On Tuesday (25), resulting from the coup plot process.
However, only seven senators defended him on the stand between Monday and Tuesday. In the Chamber, a larger group of deputies spoke, but the acts were restricted to speeches in the plenary, without protests in the green room, marches, obstruction of votes in the plenary or requests for impeachment of ministers.
When questioned, Sóstenes minimized the timid reaction from the right. “Maybe it’s time to work more strategically and less radically,” he said.
“We have been reacting to his arrest since July. The arrest of [ex-]president was not an ordinary prison, like Lula’s, which even put on an electoral spectacle. Bolsonaro’s arrest was carried out with morphine, at a slow pace, like torture.”
