For the co-founder of the MNU (Unified Black Movement) José Adão de Oliveira, 70, Brazil has lived, since the distribution of hereditary captaincies in colonial times, a history marked by the appropriation of power by a minority.
According to him, this minority creates obstacles for the black population to reach decision-making spaces by trying to undermine the quota policies in force in the country, either from or through.
Quotas for black people in spaces of power have been a demand for decades by the black population, including the MNU, which emerged in 1978 to fight against full-blown racial discrimination (1964-1985).
Currently an advisor to the movement, José Adão talks about the racial policy of the third government (), which he considers to be hampered by the need to negotiate with conservative groups, defends hetero-identification panels to combat fraud by self-declared black candidates and outlines considerations about the creation of a black party in Brazil.
How do you evaluate the insertion of black people in politics?
Many people who were seen as white and never declared themselves black, suddenly began to declare themselves. There was an exponential growth in self-declaration aiming to appropriate public funds. Left-wing parliamentarians voted with the right not to apply the law [de cotas nas eleições]. This prevents authorities from democratically expressing the percentage of black people and women in the population.
This proportionality had to be present in all seats in Parliament, to comply with the concept of democracy. We don’t even have representative democracy. We have a continued appropriation of power by the families of the hereditary captaincies of colonization, which remains unchanged to this day. It has improved a little, but, in essence, these are the structures that continue to benefit from the hard work of the majority of the population.
How could potentially incorrect self-declaration be resolved?
The hetero-identification panel is part of the evolution of public policy. She has to be in all processes. It is also necessary to have public and ethical training for employees in all instances.
The lack of ethics is at the beginning. If a person does not have the ethics to occupy that space, they should not occupy it, for the well-being of society.
Considering these aspects, what is the impact of the racial quota policy in elections?
The policy itself is successful, because it managed to be implemented. Now, given the backwardness in which we still live — we are in a semi-republic, in semi-colonialism —, there is still a lot of rejection. This rejection will not disqualify the policy [de cotas]. They are the people who are not up to the task of politics, who are behind the times.
Is there a strong name for a black candidate to run for President in 2026? How do you evaluate the scenario?
It doesn’t exist. This non-existence is the result of this policy that gave rise to the emergence of the MNU. There needs to be a process of building citizenship in relation to education, health, housing, social participation and respect. All of this forms a formative set of citizenship, social participation and recognition of people that generate confidence in the delegation of tasks.
If people can’t reach management positions, there is no reference for the person at the bottom looking up. If there is no reference, there is no way to delegate. How to vote for what doesn’t exist?
That’s why we don’t have a strong candidacy for governor, mayor or president. I could quote Benedita da Silva [deputada federal pelo PT do Rio de Janeiro]which is the most famous name we have, but it does not have an electoral density of at least 20%. [Tem a ver com] this history of invisibility and continued crimes against the black population.
What has been the achievement of the Lula 3 government in relation to public policies for the black population?
It could be much better, but it is the expression of this political articulation that was made, in which it is necessary to negotiate with the conservative majority. Progressive agendas don’t advance much, but we have made progress in health policy for the black population.
No MEC [Ministério da Educação]the advances are in investment in secondary education and in the Nesting Fund [programa do governo federal que dá incentivo financeiro a estudantes]. There is also a policy to support popular courses, which is very important, because the people at the courses and EJA [Educação de Jovens e Adultos] They are citizens who have not had their right to education respected since they were children.
And in the Judiciary, how do you evaluate the absorption of black people in this Power and the pressure from social movements for a black woman in the (Supreme Federal Court)?
It is the continuity and improvement of the quota policy that will provide greater access to the Judiciary. Regarding the pressure for a black woman on the STF, it is completely fair and necessary. What will the Supreme Court look like without her, with her retiring? A judiciary of white men.
It is more than necessary to have more black people and women participating. It’s a fairness factor, actually. Without much ado, simply do justice. If the Judiciary does not do justice to itself, how can it set an example for society?
In the year of its foundation, in 1978, the MNU released a text in which it addressed the lack of representation of the black population “in decision-making circles, which consequently prevents us from taking our demands to the highest political spheres”. In the text, the movement says it is aware of being “in an embryonic phase of organization”, hence the impossibility of having launched its own candidates at the time. Since then, have you thought about founding a party?
I cannot speak for the entire MNU, but we have never debated in any of our congresses the possibility of the MNU being a party. What we have put forward, since 1993, is the construction of a political project from the perspective of the black population, of the black people for Brazil, for the whole, and not of us being a political party.
In our history, we have not launched our own candidates because we are not a political party. But people affiliated with the MNU were candidates, including . We currently have several candidates, such as Simone Nascimento (PSOL), state co-deputy in São Paulo and coordinator of the MNU.
How does the MNU assess the possibility of in Brazil? There are initiatives in this direction.
It’s a right. But I think that the MNU would not constitute this alternative. The MNU has a charter of principle, it has an ongoing program. We want to see black people occupying the various spaces that are there.
The Republicans, from [de São Paulo]for example. How many state secretaries are black men and women in the Tarcísio government? In Tarcísio’s party? And what about the other parties?
The evolution would be to have equitable occupation in all parties, complying with the existing quota law. Creating a black party is a right, but I don’t see it as the solution. It is one of the solutions, but not the most appropriate.
The MNU defines itself as non-partisan, but aligned to the left. How does the movement view right-wing blacks?
It’s the same as right-wing white people. There is no distinction. The question of right and left arose in the French Revolution. When is it from? When is it from? Much, much earlier than that. When Pero Vaz de Caminha came here and classified the indigenous people as pardos, this division already came. Our question [racial] comes before [de esquerda e direita].
X-RAY | José Adão de Oliveira, 70
Co-founder and member of the Council of Griots of the MNU (Unified Black Movement). He is a social educator, writer, co-author of the book “Unified Black Movement: resistance in the streets” (Edições Sesc São Paulo and Fundação Perseu Abramo, 2019) and coordinator of the “I Book GRIOT of the MNU: memories of life and struggle of Black Elderly” (Sabedoria Griot, 2024).
