That of three generals and an admiral suggests that Justice ordered coup officers who threatened the sovereignty of civil power to return to their barracks, from where they should never have left.
Sentenced to 27 years in prison, he will have the right to facilities similar to those reserved for Lula. The captain was imprisoned in the barracks for insubordination 39 years ago.
Whether officers will have conditions mitigated for health reasons is irrelevant to the historical fact.
Medical care dedicated to criminals in high boots should also be mandatory for elderly people with bare feet sentenced to over 70 years of age in a closed regime.
and encouraged.
Toffoli rejected the request to sue the former PGR for malfeasance for failing to investigate Bolsonaro. He said he never saw “any attitude against democracy” from the former president.
He appointed a general to advise him in the . Celso de Mello’s resistance should have been reinforced by the collegiate.
The rude captain was smart. He used and discarded the sycophants. It inflated Toffoli’s ego. Afterwards, he emptied his claim to be the mediator between the Three Powers.
Augusto Aras intends to rewrite, once again, his history.
He joined the National Association of Members of (Conamp). He was hailed as a defender of the body’s “unity” and “indivisibility”.
It seems like an attempt to recover a stake that it did not cultivate by escaping the ANPR’s triple list.
He even claimed that the list was fraudulent.
He dismantled the Lava Jato task forces, persecuted prosecutors and initially disguised prosecution.
Aras appointed Wilson Roberto Trezza, former director general of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (Abin), as a collaborating member of the CNMP.
The council entered into a cooperation agreement with Abin, signed by the then director general Alexandre Ramagem, to “disseminate intelligence doctrine methodologies in the MP”.
In February 2020, to promote data exchange and “train magistrates and civil servants” in intelligence and counterintelligence activities.
The agreement was signed by Ramagem and the then president of TJ-MG, Nelson Missias.
There is no record of another court doing something similar to Abin. The STF, the STJ and the TJ-SP did not sign an agreement with the agency.
The TJ-MG informs that the term expired in February this year, and the agreement was never effectively implemented.
Shortly after the celebration, the STF followed Minister Cármen Lúcia’s decision, determining that the bodies of the Brazilian Intelligence System can only provide data to Abin when the public interest is proven and the possibility of serving personal or private interests is ruled out.
This month, the CNJ rejected a request from Abin employees to prohibit the disclosure of personal data in legal proceedings.
The Abin Union of State Intelligence Professionals asked the CNJ to limit the identification of employees to functional registration.
The rapporteur, João Paulo Choucair, considered that the claim “exceeds the limits of the CNJ’s constitutional competence, as it is a jurisdictional matter”.
Abin is not part of the structure of the Judiciary. It is a body linked to the Presidency of the Republic.
The secrecy of top-secret information could hide what was created by Jair Bolsonaro to serve his family’s interests.
The state court of Minas Gerais was the court that was most involved in Bolsonarism.
The greatest support from the Minas Gerais Judiciary came from the federal area with the lobby for the creation of TRF-6. Former inspectors Humberto Martins and João Otávio de Noronha saw their hopes of reaching the Supreme Court frustrated.
Installing the . There were future ankle bracelet wearers in the auditorium.
Bolsonaro was the myth in the barracks.
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