The dispute between his stepchildren and his stepchildren broke out in broad daylight, destroying the alliance between them in Ceará. The episode highlights a contrast: the 2018 episode defined a clear strategy for the ; Today’s imprisoned Bolsonaro manages the chaos that engulfs his political movement.
From his office at the PF in Curitiba, Lula guided the resistance narratives. In its shadow, the PT insisted on the legend of the parliamentary coup to avoid responsibility for the failure of the government of . Following the line drawn by the leader, he dressed in red, signed alliances restricted to the left field and faced an unequal battle.
He presented himself as “Lula’s son”, reaching the second round and collecting 45% of the votes. The PT still elected the largest parliamentary group, even though it experienced a significant decline. The operation to obfuscate history nullified the hypothesis of a healthy programmatic review in the PT, but surrounded the party apparatus with insurmountable trenches.
Bolsonaro, on the contrary, is staggering in circles, without a map or compass. His adventure produced an insurmountable political disaster. Faced with a complex electoral scenario, the convict begins to abandon the utopian perspective of his own candidacy, oscillating between sectarian and pragmatic alliance plans. It is not trivial to jump from a project to the field of normal democratic competition.
Lula spoke through the voices of Haddad, that is, through the PT. Bolsonaro grunts through the mediation of family members immersed in perennial internecine quarrels. The difference is that Lula has a party, while Bolsonarism is configured as an inorganic factional movement.
Parties are used to contest elections, not to stage coups d’état. So, back there, . Today, caged, his only tool is an undisciplined family clan. A president came out of prison ready to walk up the ramp; the other watches the disintegration of his movement.
Anarchy in the Bolsonarist camp is refracted in the form of multiple crises that affect the right as a whole. The PL houses a Bolsonarist faction, but it bases its pillars on the parliamentary order and, therefore, does not accept complete subservience to the sectarian line of the clan, rejecting the insane wars against the electoral system. The center, heterogeneous by nature, devotes itself to the fragmentary capture of administrative apparatuses, which requires electoral alliances incompatible with Bolsonarist intransigence. The pre-candidate governors wait, helplessly, for a definitive word from the directionless commander.
In the past, in the eyes of the majority, Lulism represented a positive program of social reforms. Lost illusions, Lulism only condenses a negative program: the gray counterpoint to the Bolsonarist anti-democratic insurrection. Recently, at 80 and in the autumn of his popularity, Lula set sail for a seventh presidential candidacy. The decision came when Tarcísio made his fatal mistake, speaking alongside Michelle at a Paulista decorated with an immense flag of stripes and stars.
Correct calculation: the Bolsonaro clan is Lula’s most efficient electoral campaign.
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