The fulfills its duty when it endorses the minister’s actions in tracking down parliamentarians who violate requirements of transparency and absolute correctness in the use of amendments to the Budget.
Part of the court, however, prefers that others do what the judges say, but leave them free to do what they want. This is what can be seen from the resistance to the creation of one in the exercise of the judiciary.
There are explicit manifestations —according to which the rules are unnecessary because everyone takes care of themselves and everyone knows how to stay in line— and there are the implicit contradictions of those who support the thesis in private and remain silent in public.
The reactive environment in the court leads , president of the court, to propose the institution of the code through the National Council of Justice. This alone should awaken in colleagues a hint of awareness and perception that there is an urgency to change direction.
But no. The collegiate has so far avoided adhering to Fachin’s proposal, apparently clinging to the argument that the Constitution, internal regulations and individual morality do not require the institution of a manual. Inspired by what exists in Germany, its guiding principle would be the application of daylight to the conduct of magistrates.
Through the voices and actions of certain ministers, the Supreme Court believes it has the right to forge the civilizing character of society. He is diligent in his mission to adapt everyone to the dictates of the Constitution. However, they do not fit themselves, relatives, friends, party partners and still act laxly in terms of relationships, receptions and general flattery.
I dispense with the list of known examples and ask three questions: What harm would clear rules do? Wouldn’t requests for impeachment of ministers also be motivated by distrust resulting from adapting the concept of ethics to personal convenience?
To conclude: what are excellences afraid of?
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