The decision to grant the mandate already revoked by the courts resulted from a maneuver between the presidency of the Chamber and the defense of the convicted woman. The idea was to mitigate the damage for both parties: deputies would not deepen the wear and tear due to non-compliance with a court order and lawyers would try to preserve the client’s political rights.
It didn’t work, as happens with poorly put together gambiarras. The misdeed was recorded in the annals of the Legislature and Zambelli, imprisoned in Italy, will remain out of the game for as long as she is serving her sentences for two criminal convictions.
Given the circumstances and proportions, the case refers to the impeachments of two presidents who had different treatments.
tried to preserve his rights by resigning at the last minute, but was unable to do so because the process was already underway in . Dilma Rousseff didn’t even need to resort to this stratagem: the House trampled on the Constitution to keep her in a position to contest the next election, in which the Minas Gerais polls denied her the mandate as senator.
The conclusion is that the shortcuts of political cronyism, sooner or later, for one reason or another, run up against the limits of the law or the will of the electorate.
, would go the way of his colleague: acquittal in the Chamber that would apply equal weight and measure to him. Before the Supreme Court, he would have to resign. Doubly useless, due to the automatic ineligibility resulting from conviction and stay abroad.
Zambelli and Ramagem are at risk of extradition. Theses emerge according to which the governments of Italy and the United States would take into account the Chamber’s complacency to deny Brazil’s requests.
It turns out that there is no correspondence between the positions of the Brazilian Legislature and the decisions of foreign Executives. Even if they are not sent back, they will remain outside Brazilian politics, which will have fulfilled the objective of the law.
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