In case the do not bear fruit, within hours of the meeting between the president of the United States, Donald Trumpand that of Ukraine, Volodímir ZelenskiMajor General Mike Keller He has no doubts. He remains intact, despite the fact that the war is now entering its fourth year and there is no near end in sight.
“From my perspective, I see no signs of a decline in support for Ukraine,” he says in a . “Currently, the end of the war is not foreseeable. This makes the West’s long-term commitment even more crucial.”
Keller is deputy commander of NATO’s support and training headquarters for Ukraine, NSATU, based in Wiesbaden. Thence coordinates one of the least visible but most decisive gears of the conflict: the constant flow of weapons, repairs, logistics and training that allows Ukraine to hold the front against Russia without NATO directly intervening in combat.
A support machinery that does not stop
The NSATU headquarters is home to some 350 military personnel from 31 countries, including non-NATO partners such as Australia and New Zealand (and with Japan as a possible participant). Its mission is to synchronize weapons deliveries, maintenance of complex systems, multinational logistics and training programs adapted to Ukrainian needs.
Scale of effort contradicts narrative of supposed “Ukraine fatigue”. Poland’s logistics node alone channels around 18,000 tons of material per month, combining road, rail and transport. Since 2022, almost 70,000 material movements have passed that single center. “It’s a huge number,” summarizes Keller.
The financial muscle is provided by NATO’s PURL mechanism, through which several European States raise 2,000 million euros per month, structured in packages of 500 million, to finance equipment supplied by the United States to Ukraine. “At the moment, Everything is going well, but it requires constant effort to mobilize funds and adjust many small parameters that guarantee continuity,” he warns.
Germany, from caution to leadership
Keller underlines the role of Germany, which has gone from a cautious initial position to becoming one of kyiv’s main supporters. The systems Patriot delivered by Berlin are, in his words, “invaluable” for Ukrainian air defense. In addition, Germany hosts the headquarters of the NSATU, which reinforces its political and operational weight within the alliance.
Drones: the 2% that explain up to half of Russian casualties
Perhaps Keller’s most striking statement has to do with drone warfare. The Unmanned Systems Force of Ukraine represents only the 2% of its armed forces, but it would be responsible . “This illustrates the magnitude of the problem,” he says.
The secret, he explains, is not in classic military training. Many operators come from the digital world: gamers, DJs or technical profiles with high adaptability in an environment where everything changes every two or three weeks, new developments and retraining emerge.
“Anything moving about 20 kilometers in front or behind the front line is detected and attacked”
The result is a hyper-surveillance battlefield. “Anything moving about 20 kilometers in front or behind the front line is detected and attacked”says Keller. Thus, heavy tanks and large armored formations are becoming less and less of a protagonist.
Towards Ukrainian self-sufficiency
But not everything is optimism: the general recognizes an uncomfortable reality: Western reserves are practically exhausteda consequence of 20 or 25 years of neglecting national and collective defense. The strategic response is to maximize production within Ukraine.
Germany already finances the manufacture of long-range drones in Ukrainian territory and Joint ventures between German and Ukrainian companies multiplyboth for repair and production. Ukraine, Keller says, is already one of the world’s most advanced players in drone technology.
The challenge is greater with legacy systems, such as Leopard 1A5 or the Cheetahwithdrawn from Western arsenals and with spare parts increasingly scarce. The solution involves licensing, technical support and local production of critical components.
Keller dismisses the idea of a “miracle weapon” that decides the war. The determining factor is a sustained and predictable flow of materials, together with reliable prospects for Ukraine. The message, he concludes, is unmistakable: NATO’s support infrastructure is not being reduced; It is being institutionalized. A direct warning to Moscow that a war of aggression is not profitable in the long term.
