The president () has been speaking on the phone with representatives from the Americas and, according to the communications service at Palácio do Planalto, the issues are aeo. So far, we have the obvious, given the current nature of the topics.
What we do not have is knowledge about the content of the conversations, beyond the satisfaction with the progress of the treaty and the concerned attention with the onslaught on the regime inaugurated at more or less the same time that negotiations for the treaty began.
Lula would need to offer more than this to internal and external audiences to be able to combine his claim to regional leadership with his plan to occupy a relevant space on the world stage in this third term.
The idea of politically winning the signing of the agreement while Brazil was in the rotating presidency of the country foundered in the postponement of the act until January, a month after the deadline for Lula to claim the feat had passed.
To guarantee prominence, it would remain and, above all, it would be up to the Brazilian president to take the front line in defending the resumption of democracy in Venezuela.
Apparently, however, this has not been Lula’s articulation in his contacts with the region’s heads of state.
The president chose to remain on the back foot: not demanding recognition of the legitimacy of the opposition that won the 2024 election and accepting Trump’s offensive, in order to leave it as it is and see how it goes.
The allegation is strategic. It has to do with preserving regional stability and not damaging the relationship with Washington until the direction of events in .
Prudence is a good advisor, but when excessive it can lead the prudent person — in this case, the Brazilian government — to lose the chance to have an active participation in democratic advancement and become hostage to authoritarian delay.
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